
4 o 




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louu3 JFolks' Series, 



A BOOK OF 



AMERICAN EXPLORERS 



BY 

THOMAS WENTWORTH HIGGINSON 

AUTHOR OF " YOUNG FOLKs' HISTORY OF "THE UNITED STATES," ETC. 









°f Was 



BOSTON 
LEE AND SHEPARD 

1877 






COPYRIGHT. 

THOMAS WENTWORTH HIGGINSON. 

1877. 



Electrotyped and Printed by 

Rand, Avery, and Company, 

ilf Franklui Street, 

Boston . 



DEDICATION, 



TO 

GEORGE BARRELL EMERSON, 

WITHOUT WHOSE COUNSEL AND WHOSE EFFICIENT KINDNESS THIS 

HISTORICAL SERIES WOULD NEVER HAVE 

BEEN UNDERTAKEN, 

THIS VOLUME 

IS RESPECTFULLY AND AFFECTIONATELY 
INSCRIBED. 



PREFACE, 



IT has always seemed to me that the narratives of 
the early discoverers and explorers of the American 
coast were as interesting as " Robinson Crusoe," and 
were, indeed, very much like it. This has led me to make 
a series of extracts from these narratives, selecting what 
appeared to me the most interesting parts, and altering 
only the spelling. The grammar is not always correct ; 
but it would be impossible to alter that without changing 
the style of writing too much : so it has not been changed 
at all. Wherever it has seemed necessary, I have put a 
word of my own in brackets [thus] ; but all else is the 
very language of the old writers, or their translators. 
Whenever any thing has been omitted, great or small, 
the place is marked by dots. . . . Some of the hardest 
words have been explained by footnotes. 

One great thing which I have wished my readers to 
learn is the charm of an original narrative. We should 
all rather hear a shipwreck described by a sailor who 



VI PREFACE. 

was on board the ship than to read the best account of 
it afterwards prepared by the most skilful writer. What 
I most desire is, that those who have here acquired a 
taste for these old stories should turn to the books from 
which the extracts are taken, and follow up the study 
for themselves. Then they can go with renewed in- 
terest to the pages of Bancroft and Parkman, or at 
least to my own " Young Folks' History," for the thread 
on which these quaint narratives may be strung. 

The explorers of various nations are represented in 
this book. There are Northmen, Italians, Englishmen, 
Frenchmen, Spaniards, and Dutchmen. Where the 
original narrative was in some foreign language, that 
translation has been chosen which gives most of the 
spirit of the original ; and Mr. Cabot's versions of the 
Norse legends were especially selected for this reason. 
It seemed proper to begin the book with these ; and it 
is brought down to the time when the Virginia and 
Massachusetts colonies, with that of the New Nether- 
lands, were fairly planted on the American shore. 

Possibly, at some future time, I may recommence 
with the Massachusetts colonies, and tell their story, 
down to the Revolution ; either in a book of extracts, 
like this, or in my own words. T. W. H. 

Newport, R.I., March i, 1877. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



PAGE. 
I 



I. The Legends of the Northmen (985-1008) . . . 

1. How the Northmen discovered North America .... 3 

2. The Voyage of Leif the Lucky 6 

3. Leif finds Vines, and goes back to Greenland ..... 8 

4. Thorvald, Leif's Brother, goes to Vinland 10 

5. Karlsefni's Adventures 12 

II. Columbus and his Companions (1402-1503) 17 

1. The First Letter from Cohmibus ^9 

2. The Second Voyage of Cohnnbus 26 

3. Cohmibus reaches the Mainland 3^ 

4. Columbus at the Mouth of the Orinoco 34 

5. Columbus thinks himself near the Earthly Paradise . . 36 

6. Daring Deed of Diego Mendez 39 

7. How Diego Mendez got Food for Columbus 42 

8. How Diego Mendez saved Columbus 45 

9. Appeal of Columbus in his Old Age 5' 

III. Cadot AND Verrazzano (1497-1524) 53 

1. First News of John and Sebastian Cabot 55 

2. Sebastian Cabot's Voyage 5^ 

3. Verrazzano' s Letter to the Kmg 60 

IV. The Strange Voyage of Caeeza de Vaca (i 528-1 533) 71 

1. The Strange Voyage 73 

2. Cabeza de Vaca saved by Indians 83 

3. Cabeza de Vaca's Captivity 88 

4. The Indians of the Gulf of Mexico 9' 

5. Cabeza de Vaca's Escape 93 

vii 



VUl TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

PAGE. 

V. The French in Canada (1534-1536) 97 

1. Cartiei's Visit to Bay of Chaleur 99 

2. Cartier sets up a Cross 102 

3. Cartier ascends the St. Lawrence 104 

4. How tlie 'Indians tried to frighten Cartier 108 

5. How Cartier reached Hochelaga, now Montreal . . . .111 

6. The Festivities at hochelaga 114 

VI. Adventures of De Soto (1538-1542) 119 

1. How De Soto set sail 121 

2. De Soto attacks the Indians, and finds a P'ellow Country- 

man 124 

3. The Story of John Ortiz ., 127 

4. De Soto discovers the Mississippi 131 

5. De. Soto's Vain Attempts to reach the Sea ...... 135 

6. Death and Burial of De Soto 138 

VII. The French in Florida ( 1562-1565), 141 

1. Jean Ribaut in Florida 143 

2. Alone in the New World 149 

3. Laiidonniere's Search for the Colonists . ...... 156 

4. Capture of Fort Caroline by the Spaniards 159 

VIII. Sir Humphrey Gilbert . 1583) 167 

.IX. The Lost Colonies of Virginia (1584-1590) .... 175 

1. The First V'oj-age to Virginia . 1-7 

2. Visit to an Indian Princess 184 

3. Adventures of the First Virginia Colony 186 

4. The Second English Colony in Virginia 189 

5. Search for the Lost Colony , . 196 

X. Unsuccessful New England Settlements (1602-1607) 201 

1. Gosnold's Fort at Cuttyhunk 203 

2. Captain Waymouth explores the Penobscot 213 

3. The Popham Colony on the Kennebec '222 

4. Captain Gilbert's Adventure with Indians 225 

XI. Captain John Smith (1606- 1631) 229 

1. The Virginia Colony 231 

2. The Colonists 234 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. IX 

PAGE. 

3. Captain Smith's Capture by Indians 236 

4. Captain Smith and Pocahontas 241 

5. King Powhatan 247 

6. A Virginia Princess 249 

7. An Indian Dance in Virgmia 250 

8. Indian Children 231 

9. " The Planter's Pleasure and Profit " 253 

ID. The Glories of Fishing 255 

11. Visit of Pocahontas to London 257 

12. First Buildings of the Virginia Colonists 263 

13. Captain Smith's Recollections 264 

XII. Champlain on the War-Path (1609) 267 

XIII. Henry Hudson and the New Netherlands (1609-1626) 279 

1. Discovery of the Hudson River 281 

2. Indian Traditions of Hudson's Arrival 290 

3. Hudson's Last Voyage, and how he was set adrift in the 

Ice 296 

4. Dutch Settlement of the New Netherlands 303 

XIV. The Pilgrims at Plymouth (1620-1621) 309 

1. Sailing of the Pilgrims 311 

2. Miles Standish at Cape Cod 312 

3. The First Encounter 319 

4. The Landing on Plymouth Rock 326 

5. Plymouth Village founded 32S 

6. "Welcome, Englishmen ! " ;^23 

XV. The Massachusetts Bay Colony (1629-1631) .... 339 

1. Voyage of the Massachusetts Colonists 341 

2. The Puritans in Salem Harbor 343 

3. The Four Elements in New England 346 

4. A Sea- Adventure of the Puritans 355 

5. Governor Winthrop's Night out of Doors 357 

6. The Privations of the Puritans 358 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 

DESIGNED AND ENGRAVED UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF 
GEORGE T. ANDREW. 



PAGE. 

1. Columbus at the Mouth of the Orinoco (full page) . .Frontispiece. 

2. A Norse Ship 4 

3. Esquimau Boat 13 

4. Dutch Man-of- War 15 

5. Reception of Columbus by Ferdinand and Isabella ./.... 18 

6. Fleet of Columbus 35 

7. Ship of the Fifteenth Century 54 

8. Portrait of Verrazzano 60 

9. Verrazzano in Newport Harbor 63 

10. Indians making Canoes 65 

11. Cabeza de Vaca building the Boat 74 

12. Portrait of Jacques Cartier 100 

13. Cartier raismg a Cross on the St. Charles River (full page) . . . 102 

14. Indians trying to frighten Cartier 108 

15. Portrait of De Soto 121 

16. Landing of De Soto 125 

17. Burial of De Soto (full page) 139 

18. Indians in Canoe 142 

19. Ribaut's Pillar decorated by Indians (full page) 157 

20. Fort Caroline 160 

21. Portrait of Menendez f 164 

22. Indian Village in Virginia 184 

xi 



Xll LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE. 

23. Baptism of First Child in Virginia . 195 

24. The Explorers looking at the Tres 197 

25. Palisaded Town 200 

26.. Gosnold's Fort 208 

27. Captain Weymouth sailing up the Penobscot (full page) . . . . 220 

28. Portrait of James 1 222 

29. Old Print of Smith's Capture 237 

SO. Facsimile Illustration of Pocahontas saving the Life of Smith . 244 

31. Indian Dance 250 

32. Cod-Fishing 255 

33. Portrait of Pocahontas 250 

34. Portrait of Champlain 270 

35. Champlain on the War-Path (full page) 277 

36. Hudson in the Highlands (full page) 286 

37. Indians on Board " The Half-Moon" 289 

2S. Settlement on the Hudson River 306 

39. Delph's Haven 312 

40. " The Mayflower " in Provincetown 313 

41. Portrait of Governor Winslow 320 

42. Sword of Standi^h 325 

43. Sunday on Clark's Island 327 

44. Landing of Mary Chilton 331 

45. Meeting of Captain Standi^h and Massasoit (full page) .... 333 

46. Governor Carver's Chair 337 

47. Portrait of Francis Higginson 342 

48. Governor Endicott 345 

49. First Church in Salem 347 

50. Old Planter's House at Salem 354 

51. Portrait of Governor Winthrop 357 

52. Famine among the Pilgrims 359 



BOOK I. 
THE LEGENDS OF THE NORTHMEN. 

(a.d. 985-1 goS.) 



These extracts are taken from two Icelandic works called Thattr 
Elreks Randa (the piece about Eirek the Red) and Gracnlcndinga Tlicitt 
(the piece about the Greenlanders). These passages were translated by 
J.Elliot Cabot, Esq., and were published in "The Massachusetts Quar- 
terly Review" for March, 1849. 

It is now the general belief of historians, that these legends are mainly 
correct ; and that the region described as Vinland was a part of the North- 
American Continent. Beyond this we do not know. The poet Whittier 
has written thus of these early explorers, in his poem called "The Norse- 
men : " — 

" What sea-worn barks are those which throw 
The light spray from each rushing prow? 
Have they not in the North Sea's blast 
Bowed to the waves the straining mast t 
Their frozen sails the low, pale sun 
Of Thule's night has shone upon ; 
Flapped by the sea-wind's gusty sweep, 
Round icy drift and headland steep. 
Wild Jutland's wives and Lochlin's daughters 
Have watclied them fading o'er the waters, 
Lessening through driving mist and spray. 
Like white-winged sea-birds on their way. 

Onward they glide ; and now I view 
Their iron-armed and stalwart crew : 
Joy glistens in each wild blue eye 
Turned to green earth and summer sky : 
Each broad, seamed breast has cast aside 
Its cumbering vest of shaggy hide : 
Bared to the sun, and soft warm air. 
Streams back the Norseman's yellow hair. 
I see the gleam of axe and spear ; 
The sound of sniitten shields I hear. 
Keeping a harsh and fitting time 
To Saga's chant and Runic rhyme." 



THE LEGENDS OF THE NORTHMEN. 



I. — How THE Northmen discovered North 
America. 

[About the year 860, a Danish sailor named Gardar was driven upon 
the shores of Iceland, after which that island was settled by a colony 
from Norway. About a hundred years later, Greanland was settled from 
Iceland ; Eirek the Red being the first to make the voyage. With him 
went one Heriulf, whose son Biarni had been in the habit of passing every 
other winter with his father, and then, sailing on distant voyages. Then 
happened what follows.] 

THAT same summer (985 or 986) came Biarni with 
his ship to Eyrar (Iceland), in the spring of which 
his father had sailed from the island. These tidings 
seemed to Biarni weighty, and he would not unload his 
ship. Then asked his sailors ^ what he meant to do. 
He answered, that he meant to hold to his wont,^ and 
winter with his father; "and I will bear for Greenland, 
if you will follow me thither." All said they would do 
as he wished. Then said Biarni, " Imprudent they will 
think our voyage, since none of us has been in the 
Greenland Sea." 

1 i.e., his sailors asked. - Custom. 

3 



4 THE LEGENDS OF THE NORTHMEN. 

Yet they bore out to sea as soon as they were bound,* 
and sailed three days, till the land was sunk.^ Then 
the fair wind fell off, and there arose north winds and 
fogs, and they knew not whither they fared ; and so it 
went for many days. After that, they saw the sun, and 
could then get their bearings. Then they hoisted sail, 
and sailed that day before they saw land ; and they 
counselled with themselves what land that mi2:ht be. 




A NORSE SHIP. 



But Biarni said he thought it could not be Greenland. 
They asked him whether he would sail to the land, or 
not. "This is my counsel, to sail nigh to the land," 
said he. And so they did,, and soon saw that the land 
was without fells,^ and wooded, and small heights on 
the land ; and they left the land to larboard, and let the 



1 Or " made ready," as we say a ship is bound for Liverpool. 

2 Disappeared below the horizon. 

3 Mountains. This has been supposed to be Cape Cod. 



THE NORTHMEN DISCOVER NORTH AMERICA. 5 

foot of the sail look towards land/ After that, they 
sailed two days before they saw another land. They 
asked if Biarni thought this was Greenland. He said 
he thought it no more Greenland than the first ; " for 
the glaciers are very huge, as they say, in Greenland." 
They soon neared the land, and saw that it was flat 
land, and overgrown with wood.'"^ Then the fair wind 
fell. Then the sailors said that it seemed prudent to 
them to land there ; but Biarni would not. They 
thought they needed both wood and water. " Of 
neither are you in want," said Biarni ; but he got some 
hard speeches for that from his sailors. He bade them 
hoist sail, and so they did ; and they turned the bows 
from the land, and sailed out to sea with a west-south 
wind three days, and saw a third land ; but that land 
was high, mountainous, and covered with glaciers.^ 
They asked then if Biarni would put ashore there ; but 
he said he would not, " for this land seems to me not 
very promising." They did not lower their sails, but 
held on along this land, and saw that it was an island ; 
but they turned the stern to the land, and sailed sea- 
wards with the same fair wind. But the wind rose ; and 
Biarni bade them shorten sail, and not to carry more 
than their ship and tackle would bear. They sailed 
now four days, then saw they land the fourth. Then 
they asked Biarni whether he thought that was Green- 
land, or not. Biarni answered, " That is likest to what 
is said to me of Greenland ; and we will put ashore." 
So they did, and landed under a certain ness "^ at even- 
ing of the day. And there was a boat at the ness, and 

1 i.e., sailed away from the land. 2 Possibly Nova Scotia. 
8 Possibly Newfoundland. ■* Cape, or ftose, of land. 



6 THE LEGENDS OF THE NORTHMEN. 

there lived Heriulf, the father of Biarni, on this ness ; 
and from him has the ness taken its name, and is since 
called Heriulfsness. Now fared ^ Biarni to his father, 
and gave up sailing, and was with his father whilst 
Heriulf lived, and afterwards lived there after his father. 

II. — The Voyage of Leif the Lucky. 

[After Biarni had reached the Greenland settlement, and told his story, 
he was blameJ for not having explored these unknown lands more care- 
fully ; and Leif the Lucky bought Biarni's vessel, and set sail with thirty- 
five companions, to see what he could discover.] 

(A.D. 999.) First they found the land which Biarni 
had found last. Then sailed they to the land, and cast 
anchor, and put off a boat, and went ashore, and saw 
there no grass. Mickle "^ glaciers were over all the 
higher parts ; but it was like a plain of rock from the 
glaciers to the sea, and it seemed to them that the land 
was good for nothing. Then said Leif, " We have not 
done about this land like Biarni, not to go upon it: now 
I will give a name to the land, and call it Helluland 
(flat-stone land)." ^ Then they went to their ship. After 
that they sailed into the sea, and found another land, 
sailed up to it, and cast anchor ; then put off a boat, 
and went ashore. This land was flat, and covered with 
wood and broad white sands wherever they went, and 
the shore was low. Then said Leif, " From its make ^ 
shall a name be given to this land ; and it shall be called 
Markland (Woodland)." ^ Then they went quickly 

1 Went. 2 Great. 

3 Perhaps Labrador, where flat stones abound, or Newfoundland. 

** Form. ^ Perhaps Nova Scotia. 



THE VOYAGE OF LEIF THE LUCKY. 7 

down to the vessel. Now they sailed thence into the 
sea with a north-east wind, and were out two days 
before they saw land ; and they sailed to land, and came 
to an island that lay north of the land ; and they went 
on to it, and looked about them in good weather, and 
found that dew lay upon the grass ;^ and that happened 
that they put their hands in the dew, and brought it to 
their mouths, and they thought they had never known 
any thing so sweet as that was. Then they went to 
their ship, and sailed into that sound that lay between 
the island and a ness ^ which went northward from the 
land, and then steered westward past the ness. There 
were great shoals at ebb-tide; and their vessel stood 
up ; ^ and it was far to see from the ship to the sea. 
But they were so curious to fare to the land, that they 
could not bear to bide till the sea came under their 
ship, and ran ashore where a river flows out from a 
lake. But, when the sea came under their ship, then 
took they the boat, and rowed to the ship, and took it 
up into the river, and then into the lake, and there cast 
anchor, and bore from the ship their skin-cots,^ and 
made their booths. 

Afterwards they took counsel to stay there that 
winter, and made there great houses. There was no 
scarcity of salmon in the rivers and lakes, and larger 
salmon than they had before seen. There was the 
land so good, as it seemed to them, that no cattle would 
want fodder for the winter. There came no frost in the 
winter, and little did the grass fall off there. Day 

1 Perhaps honey-dew, a sweet substance left on grass by an insect 
caUed a//iis. 2 Cape. 3 i.e., was left aground. 

■* Cots used to sleep in, and made of skin. 



8 THE LEGENDS OF THE NORTHMEN. 

and night were more equal there than in Greenland or 
Iceland. . . . But when they had ended their house- 
building, then said Leif to his companions, '' Now let 
our company be divided into two parts, and the land 
kenned ; ^ and one half of the people shall be at the 
house at home, but the other half shall ken the land, 
and fare not further than that they may come home at 
evening, and they shall not separate." Now so they did 
one time. Leif changed about, so that he went with 
them (one day) and (the next) was at home at the house. 
Leif was a mickle ^ man and stout, most noble to see, a 
wise man, and moderate in all things. 



IIL — Leif finds Vines, and goes back to 
Greenland. 

One evening it chanced that a man was wanting 
of their people ; and this was Tyrker, the Southerner.' 
Leif took this very ill ; for Tyrker had been long with 
his parents, and loved Leif much in his childhood. 
Leif now chid his people sharply, and made ready to 
fare forth to seek him, and twelve men with him. But 
when they had gone a little way, there came Tyrker to 
meet them, and was joyfully received. Leif found at 
once that his old friend was somewhat out of his mind : 
he was bustling and unsteady-eyed, freckled in face, 
little and wizened in growth, but a man of skill in all 
arts. Then said Leif to him, " Why wert thou so late, 
my fosterer,* and separated from the party ? " He 

1 Surveyed. 2 Large. 3 German. 

4 Foster-father, or perhaps foster-brother. 



LEIF FINDS VINES, AND RETURNS. 9 

talked at first a long while in German, and rolled many 
ways his eyes, and twisted his face ; but they skilled 
not what he said. He said then in Norse, after a time, 
" I went not very far ; but I have great news to tell. I 
have found grape-vines and grapes." — "Can that be 
true, my fosterer ? " quoth Leif. " Surely it is true," 
quoth he ; " for I was brought up where there is no 
want of grape-vines or grapes." Then they slept for 
the night; but in the morning Leif said to his sailors, 
" Now v/e shall have two jobs: each day we will either 
gather grapes, or hew grape-vines, and fell trees, so 
there will be a (?argo for my ship ; " and that was the 
counsel taken. It is said that their long boat was filled 
with grapes. Now was hewn a cargo for the ship; 
And when spring came they got ready, and sailed off ; 
and Leif gave a name to the land after its sort, and 
called it Vinland (Wine-Land). They sailed then after- 
wards into the sea, and had a fair wind until they saw 
Greenland, and the fells ^ under the glaciers. . . . After 
that he was called Leif the Lucky. Leif was now 
both well to do and honored. . . . 

Now there was a great talk about Leif's Vinland 
voyage ; and Thorvald, his brother, thought the land 
had been too little explored. Then said Leif to Thor- 
vald, " Thou shalt go with my ship, brother, if thou 
wilt, to Vinland." ^ 

1 Mountains. 

2 There has been n\uch difference of opinion as to where Vinland was. 
Some think that it was Nantucket ; others, the island of Conanicut in 
Narragansett Bay ; and others, some place much farther north and east. 
See Costa's "Pre-Columbian Discovery of North America," Anderson's 
" Norsemen in America," Kohl's " History of the Discovery of the East 
Coast of North America,'' published by the Maine Historical Society. 



THE LEGENDS OF THE NORTHMEN. 



IV. — Thorvald, Leif's Brother, goes to Vinland. 

Now Thorvald made ready for this voyage with thirty 
men, with the counsel thereon of Leif, his brother. 
Then they fitted out their ship, and bore out to sea 
(A.D. 1002): and there is nothing told of their voyage 
before they came to Vinland, to Leif's booths ; and they 
laid up their ship, and dwelt in peace there that winter, 
and caught fish for their meat. But in the spring, 
Thorvald said they would get ready their ship, and send 
their long-boat, and some men with it, along to the 
westward of the land, and explore it during the summer. 
The land seemed to them fair and woody, and narrow 
between the woods and the sea, and of white sand. 
There were many islands and great shoals. They found 
neither man's abode nor beast's ; but, on an island to 
the westward, they found a corn-shed of wood. More 
works of men they found not ; and they went back, and 
came to Leif's booths in the fall. But the next summer 
fared Thorvald eastward with the merchant-ship, and 
coasted to the northward. Here a heavy storm arose 
as they were passing one of two capes, and drove them 
up there, and broke the keel under the ship ; and they 
dwelt there long, and mended their ship. Then said 
Thorvald to his companions, " Now will I that we raise 
up here the keel on the ness,^ and call it Keelness ; " '^ 
and so they did. 

After that, they sailed thence, and coasted to the 
eastward, and into the mouths of the firths ^ that were 
nearest to them, and to a headland that stretched out. 

1 Cape. 2 Possibly Cape Cod. 3 Bays. 



TliORVALD. LEIFS BROTHER, GOES TO VINLAND. II 

This was all covered with wood : here they brought the 
ship into harbor, and shoved a bridge on to the land, 
and Thorvald went ashore with ail his company. He 
said then, " Here it is fair, and here would I like to 
raise my dwelling." They went then to the ship, and 
saw upon the sands within the headland three heights ; 
and they went thither, and saw there three skin-boats, 
and three men under each. Then they divided their 
people, and laid hands on them all, except one that got 
off with his boat. They killed these eight, and went 
then back to the headland, and looked about them there, 
and saw in the firth some heights, and thought they 
were dwellings. After that there came a heaviness on 
them so great that they could not keep awake ; and all 
slumbered. Then came a call above them, so that they 
all awoke. Thus said the call, " Awake, Thorvald, and 
all thy company, if thou wilt keep thy life ; and fare thou 
to thy ship, and all thy men, and fare from the land of 
the quickest." * Then came from the firth innumerable 
skin-boats, and made toward them. 

Throvald said then, " We will set up our battle-shields, 
and guard ourselves the best we can, but fight little 
against them." So they did, and the Skraelings "^ shot 
at them for a while, but then fled, each as fast as he 
could. Then Thorvald asked his men if any of them 
was hurt : they said they were not hurt. " I have got 
a hurt under the arm," said he ; " for an arrow flew 
between the bulwarks and the shield under my arm ; 
and here is the arrow, and that will be my death. Now 
I counsel that ye make ready as quickly as may be to 
return ; but ye shall bear me to the headland which I 

1 i e., as quickly as possible. 2 Probably Esquimaux, or Indians. 



12 THE LEGENDS OF THE NORTHMEN. 

thought the HkeHest place to build. It may be it was 
a true word I spoke, that I should dwell there for a 
time. There ye shall bury me, and set crosses at my 
head and feet, and call it Krossanes ^ henceforth." 
Greenland was then Christianized ; but Eirek the Red 
had died before Christianity came thither. 

Now Thorvald died ; but they did every thing accord- 
ing as he had said, and then went and found their com- 
panions, and told each other the news they had to tell, 
and lived there that winter, and gathered grapes and 
vines for loading the ship. Then in the spring they 
made ready to sail for Greenland, and came with their 
ship to Eireksfirth, and had great tidings to tell to 
Leif. 

V. — Karlsefni's Adventures. 

[Karlsefni, a rich Norwegian, came to Greenland, staid at Leif's house, 
married a wife, and was finally persuaded to bring a colony of sixty men 
and five women to Vinland.] 

This agreement made Karlsefni and his seamen, that 
they should have even handed ^ all that they should 
get in the way of goods. They had with them all sorts 
of cattle, as they thought to settle there if they might. 
Karlsefni begged Leif for his house in Vinland ; but 
he said he would lend him the house, but not give it. 
Then they bore out to the sea with the ship, and came 
to Leif's booths, hale and whole, and landed there their 
cattle. There soon came into their hands a great and 
good prize ; for a whale was driven ashore, both great 
and good ; then they went to cut up the whale, and 

1 Cross Cape, or Cape of the Cross. 2 i.e., in equal shares. 



KARLSEFNI S ADVENTURES. 1 3 

had no scarcity of food. The cattle went up into the 
country ; and it soon happened that the male cattle 
became wild and unruly. They had with them a bull. 
Karlsefni had wood felled, and brought to the ship, and 
had the wood piled on the cliff to dry. They had all 
the good things of the country, both of grapes, and of 
all sorts of game and other things. 

After the first winter came the summer ; then they 
saw appear the Skraelings, and there came from out 
the wood a great number of men. Near by were their 
neat-cattle ; and the bull took to bellowing, and roared 
loudly, whereat the Skrael- 
ings were frightened, and 
ran off with their bundles. 
These were furs and sable- 
skins, and skin-wares of all 
kinds. And they turned "^^^""•^" ^"■^"• 

toward Karlsefni's booths, and wanted to get into the 
house ; but Karlsefni had the doors guarded. Neither 
party understood the other's language. Then the 
Skraelings took down their bags, and opened them, 
and offered them for sale, and wanted, above all, to 
have weapons for them. But Karlsefni forbade them 
to sell weapons. He took this plan : he bade the 
women bring out their dairy-stuff ^ for them ; and, so 
soon as they saw this, they would have that, and noth- 
ing more. Now this was the way the Skraelings 
traded : they bore off their wares in their stomachs. 
But Karlsefni and his companions had their bags and 
skin-wares, and so they parted. Now hereof is this to 
say, that Karlsefni had posts driven strongly round 

1 Milk, butter, &c. 




14 THE LEGENDS OF THE NORTHMEN. 

about his booths, and made all complete. At this time 
Gudrid, the wife of Karlsefni, bore a man-child, and 
he was called Snorri. In the beginning of the next 
winter the Skraelings came to them again, and were 
many more than before ; ar.d they had the same wares 
as before. Then Karlsefni said to the women, " Now 
bring forth the same food that was most liked before, 
and no other." And, when they saw it, they cast their 
bundles in over the fence. . . . [But one of them 
being killed by one of Karlsefni's men, they all fled 
in haste, and left their garments and wares behind.] 
" Now I think we need a good counsel," said Karlsefni ; 
" for I think they will come for the third time in anger, 
and with many men. Now we must do this : ten men 
must go out on that ness,^ and show themselves there ; 
but another party must go into the wood, and hew a 
place for our neat-cattle when the foe shall come from 
the wood ; and we must take the bull, and let him go 
before us." But thus it was with the place where they 
thought to meet, that a lake was on one side, and the 
wood on the other. Now it was done as Karlsefni had 
said. Now came the Skraelings to the place where 
Karlsefni had thought should be the battle ; and now 
there was a battle, and many of the Skraelings fell. 

There was one large and handsome man among the 
Skraelings ; and Karlsefni thought he might be their 
leader. Now one of the Skraelings had taken up an 
axe, and looked at it a while, and struck at one of his 
fellows, a*nd hit him, whereupon he fell dead ; then the 
large man took the axe, and looked at it a while, and 
threw it into the sea as far as he could. But after that 
1 Cape. 



KARLSEFNIS ADVENTURES. 1 5 

they fled to the wood, each as fast as he could ; and 
thus ended the strife. • Karlsefni and his companions 
were there all that winter ; but in the spring Karlsefni 
said he would stay there no longer, and would fare to 
Greenland. Now they made ready for the voyage, and 
bare thence much goods, namely, grape-vines and 
grapes and skin-wares. Now they sailed into the sea, 
and came whole with their ships to Eireksfirth, and 
were there that winter. 




DUTCH MAN-OF-WAK. 



BOOK II. 

COLUMBUS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 

(A.D. I492-I503.) 




RECEPTION OF COLUMBUS BY FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



The foUowins passages are taken from " Select Letters of Christopher 
Columbus," published by the Hakluyt Society, London, 1S47, pp. 1-17, 
ro-22, 27, 33-36, 40-42, 114-121, 129-138, 200-202, 205-210, 214-225. 
These letters were translated by R. H. IMajor, Esq., of the British Mu- 
seum. 



COLUMBUS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 



I. — The First Letter from Columbus. 

[This letter was written on board ship, by Cohimbus, March 14, 1493, 
" to the noble Lord Raphael Sanchez, Treasurer to their most invincible 
Majesties, Ferdinand and Isabella, King and Queen of Spain." It was 
■written in Spanish, but the original is supposed to be lost. Latin trans- 
lations of it were made and published in different cities ; and a poetical 
translation was made in Italian, and was sung about the streets of Italy. 

KNOWING that it will afford you pleasure to learn 
that I have brought my undertaking to a success- 
ful termination, I have decided upon writing you this 
letter to acquaint you with all the events which have 
occurred in my voyage, and the discoveries which have 
resulted from it. Thirty-three days after my departure 
from Cadiz, I reached the Indian Sea,' where I dis- 
covered many islands, thickly peopled, of which I took 
possession, without resistance, in the name of our most 
illustrious Monarch, by public proclamation and with 
unfurled banners. To the first of these islands, which 

1 Columbus always supposed that he had reached India, and therefore 
always called the natives Indians. 

19 



20 COLUMBUS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 

is called by the Indians Guanahani, I gave the name 
of the blessed Saviour (San Salvador), relying upon 
whose protection I had reached this as well as the 
other islands. To each of these I also gave a name, 
ordering that one should be called Santa Maria de la 
Concepcion ; another, Fernandina; the third, Isabella; 
the fourth, Juana ; and so with all the rest respectively. 
As soon as we arrived at that, which, as I have said, 
was named Juana,^ I proceeded along its coast a short 
distance westward, and found it to be so large, and 
apparently without termination, that I could not sup- 
pose it to be an island, but the continental province of 
Cathay.^ Seeing, however, no towns or populous places 
on the seacoast, but only a few detached houses and 
cottages, with whose inhabitants I was unable to com- 
municate, because they fled as soon as they saw us, I 
went further on, thinking, that, in my progress, I should 
certainly find some city or village. 

At length, after proceeding a great way, and finding 
that nothing new presented itself, and that the line of 
coast was leading us northwards, I resolved not to at- 
tempt any further progress, but rather to turn back, and 
retrace my course to a certain bay that I had observed, 
and from which I afterwards despatched two of our men 
to ascertain whether there were a king or any cities in 
that province. These men reconnoitred the country for 
three days, and found a most numerous population, and 
great numbers of houses, though small, and built with- 
out any regard to order ; with which information they 
returned to us. In the mean time, I had learned from 
some Indians whom I had seized, that that country was 

1 Cuba. 2 Or Tartary. 



THE FIRST LETTER FROM COLUMBUS. 21 

certainly an island ; and therefore I sailed towards the 
east, coasting to the distance of three hundred and 
twenty-two miles, which brought us to the extremity of 
it : from this point I saw lying eastwards another 
island, fifty-four miles distant from Juana, to which I 
gave the name of Espanola/ . . . 

All these islands are very beautiful, and distinguished 
by a diversity of scenery. They are filled with a great 
variety of trees of immense height, and which I believe 
to retain their foliage in all seasons ; for when I saw 
them they were as verdant and luxuriant as they usually 
are in Spain in the month of May, — some of them 
were blossoming, some bearing fruit, and all flourishing 
in the greatest perfection, according to their respective 
stages of growth, and the nature and quality of each : 
yet the islands are not so thickly wooded as to be im- 
passable. The nightingale and various birds were 
singing in countless numbers, and that in November, 
the month in which I arrived there. . . . 

None of them,"^ as I have already said, are possessed 
of any iron ; neither have they weapons, being unac- 
quainted with, and, indeed, incompetent to use, them ; 
not from any deformity of body — for they are well 
formed, — but because they are timid, and full of fear. 
They carry, however, in lieu ^ of arms, canes dried in the 
sun, on the ends of which they fix heads of dried wood 
sharpened to a point : and even these they dare not use 
habitually ; for it has often occurred, when I have sent 
two or three of my men to any of the villages to speak 
with the natives, that they have come out in a disorderly 

1 Or Hispaniola, meaning Little Spain. The island is now called 
Hayti. - The natives, 3 instead. 



22 COLUMBUS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 

troop, and have fled in such haste, at the approach of 
our men, that the fathers forsook their children, and the 
children their fathers. 

This timidity did not arise from any loss or injury 
that they had received from us ; for, on the contrary, I 
gave to all I approached whatever articles I had about 
me, such as cloth, and many other things, taking nothing 
of theirs in return : but they are naturally timid and 
fearful. As soon, however, as they see that they are 
safe, and have laid aside all fear, they are very simple 
and honest, and exceedingly liberal with all that they 
have, none of them refusing any thing he may possess 
when he is asked for it, but, on the contrary, inviting us 
to ask them. They exhibit great love towards all others 
in preference to themselves : they also give objects of 
great value for trifles, and content themselves with very 
little, or nothing, in return. I, however, forbade that 
these trifles and articles of no value — such as pieces 
of dishes, plates and glass, keys, and leather straps — 
should be given to them, although, if they could obtain 
them, they imagined themselves to be possessed of the 
most beautiful trinkets in the world. It even happened 
that a sailor received for a leather strap as much gold as 
was worth three golden nobles ; and for things of more 
trifling value offered by our men, especially newly coined 
blaiicas} or any gold coins, the Indians would give what- 
ever the seller required ; as, for instance, an ounce and 
a half or two ounces of gold, or thirty or forty pounds 
of cotton ; with which commodity they were already ac- 
quainted. 

1 A small coin, worth less than a cent. A noble was a gold coin, worth 
about $i,6o. 



THE FIRST LETTER FROM COLUMBUS. 2$ 

Thus they bartered, like idiots, cotton and gold for 
fragments of bows, glasses, bottles, and jars ; which I 
forbade, as being unjust, and myself gave them many 
beautiful and acceptable articles which I had brought 
with me, taking nothing from them in return. I did 
this in order that I might the more easily conciliate 
them, that they might be led to become Christians, and 
be inclined to entertain a regard for the king and 
queen, our princes, and all Spaniards ; and that I might 
induce them to take an interest in seeking out, and 
collecting, and delivering to us, such things as they 
possessed in abundance, but which we greatly needed. 

They practise no kind of idolatry, but have a firm 
belief that all strength and power, and indeed all good 
things, are in heaven, and I had descended from thence 
with these ships and sailors ; and under this impression 
was I received after they had thrown aside their fears. 
Nor are they slow or stupid, but of very clear under- 
standing ; and those men who have crossed to the 
neighboring islands give an admirable description of 
every thing they observed : but they never saw any peo- 
ple clothed, nor any ships like ours. 

On my arrival at that sea, I had taken some Indians 
by force from the first island that I came to, in order 
that they might learn our language, and communicate 
to us what they knew respecting the country ; which 
plan succeeded excellently, and was a great advantage 
to us ; for in a short time, either by gestures and signs, 
or by words, we were enabled to understand each other. 
These men are still travelling with me, and, although 
they have been with us now a long time, they continue 
to entertain the idea that I have descended from heaven ; 



24 COLUMBUS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 

and on our arrival at any new place they publish this, 
crying out immediately with a loud voice to the other 
Indians, " Come ! come and look upon beings of a celes- 
tial race ; " upon which both women and men, children 
and adults, young men and old, when they got rid of the 
fear they at first entertained, would come out in throngs, 
crowding the roads to see us, some bringing food, others 
drink, with astonishing affection and kindness. 

Each of these islands has a great number of canoes, 
built of solid wood, narrow, and not unlike our double- 
banked boats in length and shape, but swifter in their 
motion : they steer them only by the oar. These canoes 
are of various sizes ; but the greater number are con- 
structed with eighteen banks ^ of oars : and with these 
they cross to the other islands, which are of countless 
number, to carry on traffic with the people. I saw some 
of these canoes that held as many as seventy-eight 
rowers. In all these islands there is no difference of 
physiognomy, of manners, or of language ; but they all 
clearly understand each other. . . . There are in the 
western part of the island two provinces which I did 
not visit : one of these is called by the Indians Anam, 
and its inhabitants are born with tails.^ . . . 

Finally, to compress into few words the entire sum- 
mary of my voyage and speedy return, and of the 
advantages derivable therefrom, I promise, that, with a 
little assistance afforded me by our most invincible 
sovereigns, I will procure them as much gold as they 
need, as great a quantity of spices, of cotton, and of 

^ A bank of oars is a bench on which rowers sit, and there may have 
been four rowers on each bench. 

2 No such race has ever been found. 



THE FIRST LETTER FROM COLUMBUS. 25 

mastic, which is only found at Chios, and as" many men 
for the service of the navy, as their Majesties may 
require. I promise, also, rhubarb, and other sorts of 
drugs, which I am persuaded the men whom I have left 
in the aforesaid fortress have found already, and will 
continue to find. I myself have tarried nowhere longer 
than I was compelled to do by the winds, except in 
the city of Navidad, while I provided for the building 
of the fortress, and took the necessary precautions for 
the perfect security of the men I left there. Although 
all I have related may appear to be wonderful and 
unheard of, yet the results of my voyage would have 
been more astonishing, if I had had at my disposal 
such ships as I required. . . . 

Thus it has happened to me in the present instance, 
who have accomplished a task to which the powers of 
mortal man have never hitherto attained ; for, if there 
have been those who have anywhere written or spoken 
of these islands, they have done so with doubts and 
conjectures; and no one has ever asserted that he has 
seen them, on which account their writings have been 
looked upon as little else than fables. Therefore let 
the king and queen, our princes and their most happy 
kingdoms, and all the other provinces of Christendom, 
render thanks to our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, 
who has granted us so great a victory, and such pros- 
perity. Let processions be made, and sacred feasts be 
held, and the temples be adorned with festive boughs. 
Let Christ rejoice on earth, as he rejoices in heaven, in 
the prospect of the salvation of the souls of so many 
nations hitherto lost. Let us also rejoice, as well on 
account of the exaltation of our faith, as on account of 



26 COLUMBUS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 

the increase of our temporal prosperity, of which not 
only Spain, but all Christendom, will be partakers. 
Such are the events which I have briefly described. 
Farewell. Christopher Columbus, 

Admiral of the Fleet of the Ocean. 
Lisbon, the 14th of Maich. 



II. — Second Voyage of Columbus. 

[This description is taken from a letter by Dr. Chanca, physician to 
the fleet of Columbus, to the authorities of Seville, Dr. Chanca's resi- 
dence.] 

On the first Sunday after All Saints, namely, the 3d 
of November [1493], about dawn, a pilot of the ship 
" Capitana " cried out, " The reward ! I see the land ! " 
The joy of the people was so great, that it was won- 
derful to hear their cries and exclamations of pleasure. 
And they had good reason to be delighted; for they 
had become so wearied of bad living, and of working 
the water out of the ships, that all sighed most anx- 
iously for land. . . . 

On the morning of the aforesaid Sunday, we saw 
lying before us an island ; ^ and soon on the right hand 
another appeared : the first was high and mountainous, 
on the side nearest to us ; the other flat, and very 
thickly wooded. As soon as it became lighter, other 
islands began to appear on both sides ; so that on that 
day there were six islands to be seen lying in different 
directions, and most of them of considerable size. We 
directed our course towards that which we had first 
1 Dominica, so named from being discovered on Sunday. 



SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 27 

seen ; and, reaching the coast, we proceeded more than 
a league in searcli of a port where we might anchor, 
but without finding one. All that part of the island 
which we could observe appeared mountainous, very 
beautiful, and green even up to the water, which was 
delightful to see; for at that season there is scarcely 
any thing green in our own country. When we found 
that there was no harbor there, the admiral decided 
that we should go to the other island, which appeared 
on the right, and which was at four or five leagues dis- 
tance : one vessel, however, still remained on the first 
island all that day, seeking for a harbor, in case it 
should be necessary to return thither. At length, hav- 
ing found a good one, where they saw both people and 
dwellings, they returned that night to the fleet, which 
had put into harbor at the other island ; ^ and there 
the admiral, accompanied by a great number of men, 
landed with a royal banner in his hands, and took 
formal possession in behalf of their Majesties. . . . 

On this first day of our landing, several men and 
women came on the beach up to the water's edge, and 
gazed at the boats in astonishment at so novel a sight ; 
and, when a boat pushed on shore to speak with them, 
they cried out, ^^ Tayfto, tayno !^' which is as much as to 
say, "Good, good ! " and waited for the landing of the 
sailors, standing by the boat in such a manner that they 
might escape when they pleased. The result was, that 
none of the men could be persuaded to join us; and 
only two were taken by force, who were secured, and 
led away. . . . 

Another day, at the dinner-hour, we arrived at an 

1 Marigalante, so named from the ship in which Cokmibus sailed. 



28 COLUMBUS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 

island ^ which seemed to be worth finding ; for, judging 
by the extent of cultivation in it, it appeared very popu- 
lous. We went thither, and put into harbor, when the 
admiral immediately sent on shore a well-manned barge 
to hold speech with the Indians, in order to ascertain 
what race they were, and also because we considered it 
necessary to gain some information respecting our 
course ; although it afterwards plainly appeared that 
the admiral, who had never made that passage before, 
had taken a very correct route. But, since doubtful 
questions ought always by investigation to be reduced 
as nearly to a certainty as possible, he wished that com- 
munication should be held with the natives at once ; 
and some of the men who went in a barge leaped on 
shore, and went up to a village, whence the inhabitants 
had already withdrawn, and hidden themselves. They 
took in this island five or six women and some boys, 
most of whom were captives, like those in the other 
island. We learned from the women whom we had 
brought with us, that the natives of this place also were 
Caribbees. As this barge was about to return to the 
ships with the capture which they had taken, a canoe 
came along the coast, containing four men, two women, 
and a boy ; and, when they saw the fleet, they were so 
stupefied with amazement, that for a good hour they 
remained motionless at the distance of nearly two gun- 
shots from the ships. In this position they were seen 
by those who were in the barge, and also by all the 
fleet. Meanwhile, those in the barge moved towards 
the canoe, but so close in shore, that the Indians, in 
their perplexity and astonishment as to what all this 
1 St. Martin, one of the Caribbee Islands. 



SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 29 

could mean, never saw them until they were so near 
that escape was impossible ; for our men pressed on 
them so rapidly, that they could not get away, although 
they made considerable effort to do so. 

When the Caribbees saw that all attempt at flight 
was useless, they most courageously took to their bows, 
both women and men : I say most courageously, be- 
cause they were only four men and two women, and 
our people were twenty-five in number. Two of our 
men were wounded by the Indians, one with two arrow- 
shots in his breast, and another with one in his side ; 
and if it had not happened that they carried shields 
and wooden bucklers, and that they got near them with 
the barge, and upset their canoe, most of them would 
have been killed with their arrows. After their canoe 
was upset, they remained in the water, swimming and 
occasionally wading — for there were shallows in that 
part, — still using their bows as much as they could ; so 
that our men had enough to do to take them : and, after 
all, there was one of them whom they were unable to 
secure till he had received a mortal wound with a 
lance, and whom, thus wounded, they took to the ships. 
The difference between these Caribbees and the other 
Indians, with respect to dress, consists in their wearing 
their hair very long; while the others have it clipped 
irregularly, and paint their heads with crosses and a 
hundred thousand different devices, each according to 
his fancy, which they do with sharpened reeds. All of 
them, both the Caribbees and the others, are beardless ; 
so that it is a rare thing to find a man with a beard. 
The Caribbees whom we took had their eyes and eye- 
brows stained, which I imagine they do from ostentation, 
and to give them a more formidable appearance. . . . 



30 COLUMBUS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 

The country ^ is very remarkable, and contains a vast 
number of large rivers, and extensive chains of moun- 
tains, with broad open valleys ; and the mountains are 
very high. It does not appear that the grass is ever cut 
throughout the year. I do not think they have any 
winter in this part; for near Navidad (at Christmas) 
were found many birds'-nests, some containing the 
young birds, and others containing eggs. No four- 
footed animal has ever been seen in this or any of the 
other islands, except some dogs of various colors, as in 
our own country, but in shape like large house-dogs ; 
and also some little animals, in color, size, and fur like 
a rabbit, with long tails, and feet like those of a rat. 
These animals climb up the trees ; and many who have 
tasted them say they are very good to eat.^ There 
are not any wild beasts. There are great numbers of 
small snakes, and some lizards, but not many ; for the 
Indians consider them as great a luxury as we do pheas- 
ants : they are of the same size as ours, but different 
in shape. In a small adjacent island, close by a harbor 
called Monte Christo, where we staid several days, our 
men saw an enormous kind of lizard,^ which they said 
was as large round as a calf, with a tail as long as a 
lance, which they often went out to kill ; but, bulky as 
it was, it got into the sea, so that they could not catch 
it. There are, both in this and the other islands, an 
infinite number of birds like those in our own country, 
and many others such as we had never seen. No kind 
of domestic fowl has been seen here, with the exception 

1 Hayti, or Espanola. 

2 Probably a species of capromys, an animal of the rat kind. 

3 Probably an alligator. 



COLUMBUS REACHES THE MAINLAND. 31 

of some ducks in the houses in Zuruquia : these clucks 
were larger than those of Spain, though smaller than 
geese, — very pretty, with tufts on their heads, most of 
them as white as snow, but some black'. 



III. — Columbus reaches the Mainland. 

[From his narrative of his third voj'age, 1498.] 

I THEN gave up our northward course, and put in for 
the land. At the hour of complines ^ we reached a 
cape, which I called Cape Galea,^ having already given 
to the island the name of Trinidad ; and here we 
found a harbor, which would have been excellent, but 
that there was no good anchorage. We saw houses 
and people on the spot ; and the country around was 
very beautiful, and as fresh and green as the gardens 
of Valencia in the month of March. . . . 

The next da}'- I set sail in the same direction, in 
search of a harbor where I might repair the vessels, 
and take in water, as well as improve the stock of pro- 
visions which I had brought out with me. When we 
had taken in a pipe of water, we proceeded onwards till 
we reached the cape ; and there finding good anchor- 
age, and protection from the east wind, I ordered the 
anchors to be dropped, the water-cask to be repaired, 
a supply of water and wood to be taken in, and the 
people to rest themselves from the fatigues which they 
had endured for so long a time. I gave to this point 
the name of Sandy Point (Punta del Arenal). 

1 About nine, p.m., the last hour of Roman CathoHc prayers. 

2 Now called Cape Galeota, the south-east point of Trinidad. 



32 COLUMBUS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 

All the ground in the neighborhood was filled with 
footmarks of animals, like the impression of the foot 
of a goat ; but, although it would have appeared from 
this circumstance that they were very numerous, only 
one was seen, and that was dead. On the following 
day a large canoe came from the eastward, containing 
twenty-four men, all in the prime of life, and well pro- 
vided with arms, such as bows, arrows, and wooden 
shields. They were all, as I have said, young, well- 
proportioned, and not dark black, but whiter than any 
other Indians that I had seen, — of very graceful ges- 
ture and handsome forms, wearing their hair long and 
straight, and cut in the Spanish style. Their heads 
were bound round with cotton scarfs elaborately worked 
in colors, which resembled the Moorish head-dresses. 
Some of these scarfs were worn round the body, and 
used as a covering in lieu of trousers. The natives 
spoke to us from the canoe while it was yet at a con- 
siderable distance ; but none of us could understand 
them. I made signs to them, however, to come nearer 
to us ; and more than two hours were spent in this man- 
ner : but if, by any chance, they moved a little nearer, 
they soon pushed off again. 

I caused basins and other shining objects to be shown 
to them to tempt them to come near ; and, after a long 
time, they came somewhat nearer than they had hither- 
to done ; upon which, as I was very anxious to speak 
with them, and had nothing else to show them to in- 
duce them to approach, I ordered a drum to be played 
upon the quarter-deck, and some of our young men to 
dance, believing the Indians would come to see the 
amusement. No sooner, however, did they perceive 



COLUMBUS REACHES THE MAINLAND. ;^^ 

the beating of the drum, and the dancing, than they all 
left their oars, and strung their bows, and, each man 
laying hold of his shield, they commenced discharging 
their arrows at us ; upon this the music and dancing 
soon ceased, and I ordered a charge ' to be made from 
some of our cross-bows : they then left us, and went 
rapidly to the other caravel,- and placed themselves 
under its poop. The pilot of that vessel received them 
courteously, and gave to the man who appeared to be 
their chief a coat and hat ; and it was then arranged 
between them that he should go to speak with him on 
shore. Upon this the Indians immediately went thither, 
and waited for him ; but, as he would not go without 
my permission, he came to my ship in the boat, where- 
upon the Indians got into their canoe again, and went 
away, and I never saw any more of them, or of any of 
the other inhabitants of the island. 

When I reached the Point of Arenal, I found that 
the Island of Trinidad formed with the land of Gracia,^ 
a strait of two leagues width from east to west ; and, as 
we had to pass through it to go to the north, we found 
some strong currents which crossed the strait, and 
which made a great roaring, so that I concluded there 
must be a reef of sand or rocks, which would preclude 
our entrance : and behind this current was another and 
another, all making a roaring noise like the sound of 
breakers against the rocks. I anchored there, under 
the said Point of Arenal, outside of the strait, and 
found the water rush from east to west with as much 

1 Discharge. - A small vessel. 

3 The coast of Ciimana (South America), distant seven miles from 
Trinidad. 



34 COLUMBUS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 

impetuosity as that of the Guadalquiver at its conflict 
with the sea ; and this continued constantly day and 
night, so that it appeared to be impossible to move 
backwards for the current, or forwards for the shoals. 



IV. — Columbus at the Mouth of the Orinoco. 

In the dead of night, while I was on deck, I heard 
an awful roaring that came from the south towards the 
ship. I stopped to observe what it might be, and I 
saw the sea rolling from west to east, like a mountain as 
high as the ship, and approaching by little and little. 
On the top of this rolling sea came a mighty wave, 
roaring with a frightful noise ; and with all this terrific 
uproar were other conflicting currents, producing, as 
I have already said, a sound as of breakers upon the 
rocks. To this day I have a vivid recollection of the 
dread I then felt, lest the ship might founder under 
the force of that tremendous sea ; but it passed by, and 
reached the mouth of the before-mentioned passage, 
where the uproar lasted for a considerable time. On 
the following day 1 sent out boats to take soundings, 
and found that in the strait, at the deepest part of the 
einbouchure,^ there were six or seven fathoms of water, 
and that there were constant contrary currents, — one 
running inwards, and the other outwards. It pleased 
the Lord, however, to give us a favorable wind ; and I 
passed through the middle of the strait, after which I 
recovered my tranquillity. The men happened at this 
time to draw up some water from the sea. which, strange 

1 Mouth. 



COLUMBUS AT THE MOUTH OF THE ORINOCO. 35 



to say, proved to be fresh. I then sailed northwards 
till I came to a very high mountain, at about twenty- 
six leagues from the Punta del Arenal : here two lofty 
headlands appeared, — one towards the east,^ and form- 
ing part of the Island of Trinidad ; and the other on 
the west,^ being part of the land which I have already 
called Gracia. ^ We found here a channel ^ still narrower 
than that of Arenal, with similar currents, and a tre- 
mendous roaring of water : the water here also was 

fresh. 

Hitherto I had held no communication with any of 
the people of this coun- 
try, although I very ear- 
nestly desired it. I there- 
fore sailed along the 
coast westwards; and, 
the farther I advanced, 
the fresher and more 
wholesome I found the 
water ; and, when I had 
proceeded a considera- 
ble distance, I reached 
a spot where the land 
appeared to be culti- 
vated. ... I then an- 
chored at the mouth of a river ; and we wcrt 
visited by a great number of the inhabitants 
informed \is that the country was called Paria, and 
that farther westward it was more fully peopled. 1 
took four of these natives, and proceeded on my west- 

1 Point Pena Blanca. '- Point Pefia. 

3 Boca Grande. The fre^h water was river water. 




FLEET fU- COLUMBUS. 



soon 
who 



36 COLUMBUS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 

ward voyage ; and, when I had gone eight leagues far- 
ther, I found on the other side of a point, which I called 
the Needle,^ one of the most lovely countries in the 
world, and very thickly peopled. It was three o'clock in 
the morning when I reached it ; and, seeing its verdure 
and beauty, I resolved to anchor there, and communicate 
with the inhabitants. Some of the natives came out 
to the ship in canoes, to beg me, in the name of their 
king, to go on shore. And, when they saw that I paid 
no attention to them, they came to the ship in their 
canoes in countless number; many of them wearing 
pieces of gold on their breasts, and some with bracelets 
of pearl on their arms. 



V. — Columbus thinks Himself near the Earthly 
Paradise. 

[From the same narrative. It was generally believed, in the time of 
Columbus, that the Garden of Eden, or earthly paradise, still existed 
somewhere on the globe. Irving's Columbus (appendix) gives an account 
of these views.] 

I HAVE always read, that the world comprising the 
land and water was spherical, as is testified by the 
investigations of Ptolemy and others, who have proved 
it by the eclipses of the moon, and other observations 
made from east to west, as well as by the elevation of 
the pole from north to south. But I have now seen so 
much irregularity, as I have already described, that I 
have come to another conclusion respecting the earth ; 
namely, that it is not round, as they describe, but of the 

1 Now called Point Alcatraz, or Point Pelican. 



NEAR THE EARTHLY PARADISE. 37 

form of a pear, which is very round except where the 
stalk grows, at which part it is most prominent. . . . 
Ptolemy, and the others who have written upon the 
globe, had no information respecting this part of the 
world, which was then unexplored : they only estab- 
lished their arguments with respect to their own hemi- 
sphere, which, as I have already said, is half of a perfect 
sphere. And, now that your Highnesses have commis- 
sioned me to make this voyage of discovery, the truths 
which I have stated are evidently proved. ... I do 
not find, nor have ever found, any account by the 
Romans or Greeks, which fixes in a positive manner 
the site of the terrestrial paradise ; neither have I seen 
it given in any mappe-immde} laid down from authentic 
sources. Some placed it in Ethiopia, at the sources 
of the Nile ; but others, traversing all these countries, 
found neither the temperature, nor the altitude of the 
sun, correspond with their ideas respecting it ; nor did 
it appear that the overwhelming waters of the deluge 
had been there. Some Pagans pretended to adduce 
arguments to establish that it was in the Fortunate 
Islands, now called the Canaries, &c. . . . 

I have already described my ideas concerning this 
hemisphere and its form ; and I have no doubt, that if 
I could pass below the equinoctial line, after reaching 
the highest point of which I have spoken, I should find 
a much milder temperature, and a variation in the stars 
and in the water ; not that I suppose that elevated 
point to be navigable, nor even that there is water 
there: indeed, I believe it is impossible to ascend 
thither, because I am convinced that it is the spot of 
1 Atlas. 



38 COLUMBUS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 

the earthly paradise, whither no one can go but by 
God's permission. But this land which your High- 
nesses have now sent me to explore is very extensive ; 
and I think there are many countries in the south, of 
which the world has never had any knowledge. 

I do not suppose that the earthly paradise is in the 
form of a rugged mountain, as the descriptions of it 
have made it appear, but that it is on the summit of 
the spot which I have described as being in the form 
of the stalk of a pear. The approach to it from a dis- 
tance must be by a constant and gradual ascent ; but I 
believe, that, as I have already said, no one could ever 
reach the top. I think, also, that the water I have 
described may proceed from it, though it be far off, and 
that, stopping at the place which I have just left, it 
forms this lake. There are great indications of this 
being the terrestrial paradise ; for its site coincides with 
the opinion of the holy and wise theologians whom I 
have mentioned. And, moreover, the other evidences 
agree with the supposition ; for I have never either read 
or heard of fresh water coming in so large a quantity, 
in close conjunction with the water of the sea. The 
idea is also corroborated by the blandness of the tem- 
perature. And, if the water of which I speak does not 
proceed from the earthly paradise, it appears to be still 
more marvellous ; for I do not believe that there is any 
river in the world so large or so deep. 



DARING DEED OF DIEGO MENDEZ. 39 



VI. — Daring Deed of Diego Mendez. 

[Taken from the last will of Diego Mendez. These adventures hap- 
pened on the fourth voyage of Columbus, in 1502.] 

When we were shut in at the mouth of the River 
Belen, or Yebra, through the violence of the sea, and 
the winds which drove up the sand, and raised such a 
mountain of it as to close up the entrance of the port, 
his lordship ' being there greatly afflicted, a multitude 
of Indians collected together on shore to burn the 
ships, and kill us all, pretending that they were going 
to make war against other Indians. . . . Upon his con- 
sulting me as to the best manner of proceeding so as 
clearly to ascertain what was the intention of the people, 
I offered to go to them with one single companion ; and 
this task I undertook, though more certain of death 
than of life in the result. 

After journeying along the beach up to the River of 
Veragua, I found two canoes of strange Indians, who 
related to me more in detail, that these people were 
indeed collected together to burn our ships, and kill 
us all, and that they had forsaken their purpose in con- 
sequence of the boat which had come up to the spot, 
but that they intended to return after two days to make 
the attempt once more. I then asked them to carry me 
in their canoes to the upper part of the river, offering 
to remunerate them if they would do so. But they 
excused themselves, and advised me by no means to 
go, for that both myself and my companion would cer- 
tainly be killed. 

1 Columbus. 



40 COLUMBUS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 

At length, in spite of their advice, I prevailed upon 
them to take me in their canoes to the upper part of the 
river, until I reached the villages of the Indians, whom I 
had found in order of battle. They, however, would not, 
at first, allow me to go to the principal residence of the 
cacique, till I pretended that I was come as a surgeon to 
cure him of a wound that he had in his leg. Then, 
after making them some presents, they suffered me to 
proceed to the seat of royalty, which was situated on 
the top of a hillock, surmounted by a plain, with a large 
square surrounded by three hundred heads of the ene- 
mies he had slain in battle. When I had passed 
through the square, and reached the royal house, there 
was a great clamor of women and children at the gate, 
who ran into the palace screaming. Upon this, one of 
the chief's sons came out in a high passion, uttering 
angry words in his own language ; and laying hands 
upon me, with one push he thrust me far away from 
him. In order to appease him, I told him I was come 
to cure the wound in his father's leg, and showed him 
an ointment that I had brought for that purpose ; but 
he replied, that on no account whatever should I go in 
to the place where his father was. When I saw that I 
had no chance of appeasing him in that way, I took 
out a comb, a pair of scissors, and a mirror, and caused 
Escobar, my companion, to comb my hair, and then cut 
it off. When the Indian, and those who were with him, 
saw this, they stood in astonishment; upon which I 
prevailed on him to suffer his own hair to be combed 
and cut by Escobar. I then made him a present of 
the scissors, with the comb and the mirror ; and thus he 
became appeased. After this, I begged him to allow 



DARING DEED OF DIEGO MENDEZ. 41 

some food to be brought, which was soon done; and we 
ate and drank in love and good-fellowship, like very 
good friends. 

I then left him, and returned to the ships, and related 
all this to my lord the admiral, who was not a little 
pleased when he heard all these circumstances, and the 
things that had happened to me. He ordered a large 
stock of provisions to be put into the ships, and into 
certain straw houses that we had built there, with a 
view that I should remain, with some of the men, to 
examine and ascertain the secrets of the country. The 
next morning his lordship called me to ask my advice 
as to what ought to be done. My opinion was, that we 
ought to seize that chief and all his captains, because, 
when they were taken, great numbers of the people 
would submit. His lordship was of the same opinion. 
I then submitted the stratagem and plan by which 
this might be accomplished ; and his lordship ordered 
that the adelaiitado^ his brother, and I, accompanied 
by eighty men, should go to put it into execution. We 
went; and our Lord gave us such good fortune, that we 
took the cacique, and most of his captains, his wives, 
sons, and grandsons, with all the princes of his race ; 
but in sending them to the ships, thus captured, the 
cacique extricated himself from the too slight grasp 
of the man who held him, — a circumstance which 
afterwards caused us much injury. At this moment 
it pleased God to cause it to rain very heavily, occa- 
sioning a great flood, by which the mouth of the 
harbor was opened, and the admiral enabled to draw 
out the ships to sea, in order to proceed to Spain ; 

1 President, or governor. 



42 COLUMBUS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 

I, meanwhile, remaining on land as accountant of his 
Highness, with seventy men, and the greater part of the 
provisions of biscuit, wine, oil, and vinegar being left 
with me. 



VII. — How Diego Mendez got Food for 
Columbus. 

[Also taken from the last will of Diego Mendez.] 

On the last day of April, in the year fifteen hundred 
and three, we left Veragua, with three ships, intending 
to make our passage homeward to Spain ; but, as the 
ships were all pierced and eaten by the teredo,' we 
could not keep them above water. We abandoned one 
of them after we had proceeded thirty leagues : the two 
which remained were even in a worse condition than 
that ; so that all the hands were not sufficient, with the 
use of pumps and kettles and pans, to draw off the 
water that came through the holes made by the worms. 
In this state, with the utmost toil and danger, we sailed 
for thirty-five days, thinking to reach Spain ; and at the 
end of this time we arrived at the lowest point of 
the island of Cuba, at the province of Homo, where the 
city of Trinidad now stands ; so that we were three 
hundred leagues farther from Spain than when we left 
Veragua for the purpose of proceeding thither, — and 
this, as I have said, with the vessels in very bad con- 
dition, unfit to encounter the sea, and our provisions 
nearly gone. It pleased God that we were enabled to 
reach the island of Jamaica, where we drove the two 

1 Ship-worm. 



HOW MENDEZ GOT FOOD FOR COLUMBUS. 43 

ships on shore, and made of them two cabins, thatched 
with straw, in which we took up our dwelling ; not, 
however, without considerable danger from the natives, 
who were not yet subdued, and who might easily set fire 
to our habitation in the night, in spite of the greatest 
watchfulness. It was there that I gave out the last 
ration of biscuit and wine. 

I then took a sword in my hand, three men only 
accompanying me, and advanced into the island ; for 
no one else dared go to seek food for the admiral and 
those who were with him. It pleased God that I found 
some people who were very gentle, and did us no harm, 
but received us cheerfully, and gave us food with hearty 
good-will. I then made a stipulation with the Indians 
who lived in a village called Aguacadiba, and with their 
cacique, that they should make cassava bread, and that 
they should hunt and fish to supply the admiral every 
day with a sufficient quantity of provisions, which they 
were to bring to the ships, where I promised there should 
be a person ready to pay them in blue beads, combs and 
knives, hawks-bells and fish-hooks, and other such arti- 
cles, which we had with us for that purpose. With this 
understanding, I despatched one of the Spaniards whom 
I had brought with me to the admiral, in order that he 
might send a person to pay for the provisions, and secure 
their being sent. From thence I went to another village, 
at three leagues' distance from the former, and made a 
similar agreement with the natives and their cacique, 
and then despatched another Spaniard to the admiral, 
begging him to send another person with a similar 
object to this village. After this I went farther on, and 
came to a great cacique named Huarco, living in a place 



44 COLUMBUS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 

which is now called Melilla, thirteen leagues from where 
the ships lay. I was veiy well received by him. He 
gave me plenty to eat, and ordered all his subjects to 
bring together, in the course of three days, a great 
quantity of provisions, which they did, and laid them 
before him, whereupon I paid him for them to his full 
satisfaction. I stipulated with him that they should 
furnish a constant supply, and engaged that there should 
be a person appointed to pay them. 

Having made this arrangement, I sent the other 
Spaniard to the admiral, with the provisions they had 
given me, and then begged the cacique to allow me two 
Indians to go with me to the extremity of the island, — 
one to carry the hammock in which I slept, and the 
other carrying the food. In this manner I journeyed 
eastward to the end of the island, and came to a cacique 
who was named Ameyro, with whom I entered into close 
friendship. I gave him my name, and took his, .which, 
amongst this people, is regarded as an evidence of bro- 
therly attachment. I bought of him a very good canoe, 
and gave him in exchange an excellent brass helmet 
that I carried in a bag, a frock, and one of the two 
shirts that I had with me : I then put out to sea in this 
canoe, in search of the place that I had left, the cacique 
having given me six Indians to assist in guiding the 
canoe. 

When I reached the spot to which I had despatched 
the provisions, I found there the Spaniards whom the 
admiral had sent ; and I loaded them with the victuals 
which I had brought with me, and went myself to the 
admiral, who gave me a very cordial reception. He was 
not satisfied with seeing and embracing me, but asked me 



HOW DIEGO MENDEZ SAVED COLUMBUS. 45 

respecting every thing that had occurred in the voyage, 
and offered up thanks to God for having delivered me 
in safety from so barbarous a people. The men rejoiced 
greatly at my arrival ; for there was not a loaf left in 
the ships when I returned to them with the means of 
allaying their hunger. This, and every day after that, 
the Indians came to the ships, loaded with provisions 
from the places where I had made the agreements ; so 
that there was enough for the two hundred and thirty 
people who were with the admiral. 



VIII. — How Diego Mendez saved Columbus. 

[From the same narrative.] 

Ten days after this, the admiral called me aside, and 
spoke to me of the great peril he was in, addressing me 
as follows : " Diego Mendez, my son, not one of those 
whom I have here with me has any idea of the great 
danger in which we stand, except myself and you ; for 
we are but few in number, and these wild Indians are 
numerous, and very fickle and capricious ; and when- 
ever they may take it into their heads to come and burn 
us in our two ships, which we have made into straw- 
thatched cabins, they may easily do so by setting fire 
to them on the land side, and so destroy us all. The 
arrangement you have made with them for the supply of 
food, to which they agreed with such good-will, may 
soon prove disagreeable to them ; and it would not be 
surprising, if, on the morrow, they were not to bring us 
any thing at all. In such case, we are not in a position 
to take it by main force, but shall be compelled to 



46 COLUMBUS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 

accede to their terms. I have thought of a remedy, if 
you consider it advisable ; which is, that some one 
should go out in the canoe that you have purchased, and 
make his way in it to Espanola, to purchase a vessel 
with which we may escape from the extremely dangerous 
position in which we now are. Tell me your opinion." 
To which I answered, " My lord, I distinctly see the 
danger in which we stand, which is much greater than 
would be readily imagined. With respect to the pas- 
sage from this island to Espanola in so small a vessel 
as a canoe, I look upon it not merely as difficult, but 
impossible ; for I know not who would venture to en- 
counter so terrific a danger as to cross a gulf of forty 
leagues of sea, and amongst islands where the sea is so 
impetuous, and scarcely ever at rest." 

His lordship did not agree with the opinion that I 
expressed, but adduced strong arguments to show that 
I was the person to undertake the enterprise. To which 
I replied, " My lord, I have many times put my life in 
danger to save yours and the lives of all those who are 
with you, and God has marvellously preserved me. In 
consequence of this, there have not been wanting mur- 
murers, who have said that your lordship intrusts every 
honorable undertaking to me, while there are others 
amongst them who would perform them as well as I. 
My opinion is, therefore, that your lordship would do 
well to summon all the men, and lay this business 
before them ; to see if, amongst them all, there is one 
who will volunteer to undertake it, which I certainly 
doubt ; and, if all refuse, I will risk my life in your 
service, as I have many times already." 

On the following day his lordship caused all the men 



HOW DIEGO MENDEZ SAVED COLUMBUS. 47 

to appear together before him, and then opened the 
matter to them in the same manner as he had done to 
me. When they heard it, they were all silent, until some 
said that it was out of the question to speak of such a 
thing ; for it was impossible, in so small a craft, to cross 
a boisterous and perilous gulf of forty leagues' breadth, 
and to pass between those two islands, where very strong 
vessels had been lost in going to make discoveries, 
not being able to encounter the force and fury of the 
currents. 

I then arose, and said, " My lord, I have but one life, 
and I am willing to hazard it in the service of your 
lordship, and for the welfare of all those who are here 
with us ; for I trust in God, that, in consideration of the 
motive which actuates me, he will give me deliverance, 
as he has already done on many other occasions." 
When the admiral heard my determination, he arose 
and embraced me, and, kissing me on the cheek, said, 
" Well did I know that there was no one here but your- 
self who would dare to undertake this enterprise. I 
trust in God, our Lord, that you will come out of it vic- 
toriously, as you have done in the others which you have 
undertaken." 

On the following day I drew my canoe on to the 
shore, fixed a false keel on it, and pitched and greased 
it : I then nailed some boards upon the poop and prow, 
to prevent the sea from coming in, as it was liable to 
do from the lowness of the gunwales. I also fixed a 
mast in it, set up a sail, and laid in the necessary pro- 
visions for myself, one Spaniard, and six Indians, mak- 
ing eight in all, which was as many as the canoe would 
hold. I then bade farewell to his lordship and all the 



48 COLUMBUS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 

Others, and proceeded along the coast of Jamaica up to 
the extremity of the island, which was thirty-five leagues 
from the point whence we started. Even this distance 
was not traversed without considerable toil and danger ; 
for on the passage I was taken prisoner by some Indian 
pirates, from whom God delivered me in a marvellous 
manner. When we had reached the end of the island, 
and were remaining there in the hope of the sea becom- 
ing sufficiently calm to allow us to continue our voyage 
across it, many of the natives collected together, with 
the determination of killing me, and seizing the canoe 
with its contents ; and they cast lots for my life, to see 
which of them should carry their design into execu- 
tion. 

As soon as I became aware of their project, I betook 
myself secretly to my canoe, which I had left at three 
leagues' distance from where I then was, and set sail 
for the spot where the admiral was staying, and reached 
it after an interval of fifteen days from my departure. 
I related to him all that had happened, and how God 
had miraculously rescued me from the hands of those 
savages. His lordship was very joyful at my arrival, 
and asked me if I would recommence my voyage. I 
replied that I would, if I might be allowed to take some 
men to be with me at the extremity of the island until I 
should find a fair opportunity of putting to sea to prose- 
cute my voyage. The admiral gave me seventy men, 
and with them, his brother the adelantado^ to stay 
with me until I put to sea, and to remain there three 
days after my departure. With this arrangement, I 
returned to the extremity of the island, and remained 
there four days. 



HOW DIEGO MENDEZ SAVED COLUMBUS. 



49 



Finding the sea become calm, I parted from the 
rest of the men with much mutual sorrow. I then com- 
mended myself to God and our Lady of Antigua, and 
was at sea five days and four nights without laying 
down the oar from my hand, but continued steering the 
canoe while my companions rowed. It pleased God, 
that, at the end of five days, I reached the Island of 
Espanola at Cape San Miguel, having been two days 
without eating or drinking ; for our provisions were ex- 
hausted. I brought my canoe up to a very beautiful 
part of the coast, to which many of the natives soon 
came, and brought with them many articles of food ; so 
that I remained there two days to take rest. I took 
six Indians from this place, and, leaving those that I 
had brought with me, I put oif to sea again, moving 
along the coast of Espanola ; for it was a hundred and 
thirty leagues from the spot where I landed to the city 
of San Domingo, where the governor dwelt. . . . 

When that expedition was finished, I went on foot to 
San Domingo, a distance of seventy leagues, and waited 
in expectation of the arrival of ships from Spain, it 
being now more than a year since any had come. In 
this interval, it pleased God that three ships arrived, 
one of which I bought, and loaded it with provisions, 
— bread, wine, meat, hogs, sheep, and fruit, — and de- 
spatched it to the place where the admiral was staying, 
in order that he might come over in it with all his people 
to San Domingo, and from thence sail for Spain. I 
myself went on in advance with the two other ships in 
order to give an account to the king and queen of all 
that had occurred in this voyage. 

I think I should now do well to sav somewhat of the 



50 COLUMBUS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 

f 

events which occurred to the admiral and* to his family 
during the year that they were left on the island. A 
few days after my departure, the Indians became refrac- 
tory, and refused to bring food, as they had hitherto 
done. The admiral, therefore, caused all the caciques 
to be summoned, and expressed to them his surprise 
that they should not send food as they were wont to do, 
knowing, as they did, and as he had already told them, 
that he had come there by the command of God. He 
said that he perceived that God was angry with them, 
and that he would that very night give tokens of his 
displeasure by signs that he would cause to appear in 
the heavens ; and as, on that night, there was to be an 
almost total eclipse of the moon, he told them that God 
caused that appearance, to signify his anger against 
them for not bringing the food. The Indians, believ- 
ing him, were very frightened, and promised that they 
would always bring him food in future ; and so, in fact, 
they did, until the arrival of the ship which I had sent 
loaded with provisions. The admiral, and those who 
were with him, felt no small joy at the arrival of this 
ship. And his lordship afterwards informed me in 
Spain, that in no part of his life did he ever experience 
so joyful a day ; for he had never hoped to have left 
that place alive. And in that same ship he set sail, 
and went to San Domingo, and thence to Spain. 



APPEAL OF COLUMBUS IN HIS OLD AGE. 5 1 



IX. — Appeal of Columbus in his Old Age. 

[To the King and Queen of Spain. Taken from his letter (1503) 
describing his fourth voyage.] 

Such is my fate, that the twenty years of service 
through which I have passed with so much toil and 
danger have profited me nothing, and at this very day 
I do not possess a roof in Spain that I can call my own. 
If I wish to eat or sleep, I have nowhere to go but to 
the inn or tavern, and most times lack wherewith to pay 
the bill. Another anxiety wrung my very heart-strings, 
which was the thought of my son Diego, whom I had 
left an orphan in Spain, and stripped of the honor and 
property which were due to him on my account, although 
I had looked upon it as a certainty that your Majesties, 
as just and grateful princes, would restore it to him in 
all respects with increase. . . , 

For seven years was I at your royal court, where 
every one to whom the enterprise was mentioned treated 
it as ridiculous ; but now there is not a man, down to 
the very tailors, who does not beg to be allowed to become 
a discoverer. There is reason to believe that they make 
the voyage only for plunder, and that they are permitted 
to do so to the great disparagement of my honor, and the 
detriment of the undertaking itself. It is right to give 
God his due, and to receive that which belongs to one's 
self. This is a just sentiment, and proceeds from just 
feelings. The lands in this part of the world, which are 
now under your Highnesses' sway, are richer and more 
extensive than those of any other Christian power ; and 
yet, after that I had, by the divine will, placed them 
under your high and royal sovereignty, and was on the 



52 COLUMBUS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 

point of bringing your Majesties into the receipt of a 
very great and unexpected revenue ; and while I was 
waiting for ships to convey me in safety, and with a 
heart full of joy, to your royal presence, victoriously to 
announce the news of the gold that I had discovered, 
I was arrested, and thrown with my two brothers, 
loaded with irons, into a ship, stripped, and very ill 
treated, without being allowed any appeal to justice. . . . 
I was twenty-eight years old when I came into your 
Highnesses' service, and now I have not a hair upon 
me that is not gray : my body is infirm, and all that was 
left to me, as well as to my brothers, has been taken 
away and sold, even to the frock that I wore, to my 
great dishonor. I cannot but believe that this was done 
without your royal permission. The restitution of my 
honor, the reparation of my losses, and the punishment 
of those who have inflicted them, will redound to the 
honor of your royal character. A similar punishment 
also is due to those who have plundered me of my 
pearls, and who have brought a disparagement upon 
the privileges of my admiralty. Great and unexampled 
will be the glory and fame of your Highnesses, if you 
do this ; and the memory of your Highnesses, as just 
and grateful sovereigns, will survive as a bright example 
to Spain in future ages. The honest devotedness I have 
always shown to your Majesties' service, and the so 
unmerited outrage with which it has been repaid, will 
not allow my soul to keep silence, however much I may 
wish it. I implore your Highnesses to forgive my com- 
plaints. I am indeed in as ruined a condition as I have 
related. Hitherto I have wept over others : may Heaven 
now have mercy upon me. and may the earth weep for 
me ! 



BOOK III. 

CABOT AND VERRAZZANO. 

(A.D. 1497-I524.) 




SHIP OF THE 15TH CENTURY. 



The first of these extracts in regard to tlie Cabots may be found in 
one of the Hakhiyt Society's vohimes, entitled " Henry Hudson the Navi- 
gator, edited by G. M. Asher," London, i860, p. Ixix. 

The extracts which follow are from another volume of the same series, 
entitled " Hakluyt's Divers Voyages," London, 1850, pp. 23-26. 

Verrazzano's narrative is taken from " Hakluyt's Divers Voyages," 
same edition, pp. 55-71. Another translation, by J. G. Cogswell, may be 
found, with the original Italian narrative, in the Collections of the New 
York Historical Society, second series, vol. i. 



CABOT AND VERRAZZANO. 



I. — First News of John and Sebastian Cabot. 

[From a letter written by Lorenzo Pasqualigo, from London, to his 
brothers in Venice, and dated Aug. 23, 1497.] 

THIS Venetian of ours, who went with a ship from 
Bristol in quest of new islands, is returned, and 
says that seven hundred leagues hence he discovered 
" terra firma," ^ which is the territory of the Grand 
Cham.^ He coasted for three hundred leagues, and 
landed. He saw no human being whatsoever ; but he 
has brought hither to the king certain snares which had 
been set to catch game, and a needle for making nets ; 
he also found some felled trees : wherefore he supposed 
there were inhabitants, and returned to his ship in 
alarm. 

He was three months on the voyage, it is quite 

1 Firm land, or continent. 

2 The name then given to the sovereign of Tartary, now called " Khan." 
Shakspeare, in " Much Ado about Nothing," written about 1600, says, 
" Fetch you a hair off the great Cham's beard." 

55 



56 CABOT AND VERRAZZANO. 

certain ; and, coming back, he saw two islands to star- 
board, but would not land, time being precious, as "he 
was short of provisions. The king is much pleased 
with this intelligence. He says that the tides are slack, 
and do not flow as they do here. 

The king has promised, that, in the spring, he shall 
have ten ships armed according to his own fancy ; and, 
at his request, he has conceded to him all the prisoners, 
except such as are confined for high treason, to man 
them with. He has also given him money wherewith 
to amuse himself till then ; and he is now at Bristol 
with his wife, who is a Venetian woman, and with his 
sons. His name is Zuan ^ Cabot ; and they call him the 
great admiral. Vast honor is paid him, and he dresses 
in silk; and these English run after him like mad 
people, so that he can enlist as many of them as he 
pleases, and a number of our own rogues besides. 

The discoverer of these places planted on his new- 
found land a large cross, with one flag of England, and 
another of St. Mark, by reason of his being a Vene- 
tian ; so that our banner has floated very far afield. 



II. — Sebastian Cabot's Voyage. 

[The following notes, preserved in " Hakluyt's Voyages." give the 
earliest authentic information about Sebastian Cabot.] 

A NOTE of Sebastian Cabot's Voyage of Discovery, 
taken out of an old Chronicle written by Robert Fabian, 
sometime Alderman of London, which is in the custody 
1 John. 



SEBASTIAN CABOT S VOYAGE. 57 

of John Stowe, Citizen, a diligent searcher and pre- 
server of Antiquities. 

This year ^ the King ^ — by means of a Venetian which 
made himself very expert and cunning in knowledge of 
the circuit of the world and islands of the same, as by 
a card and other demonstrations reasonable he showed, 
— caused to man and victual a ship at Bristol, to search 
for an island which he said he knew well was rich and 
replenished with rich commodities. Which ship thus 
manned and victualled at the King's cost, divers mer- 
chants of London ventured in her small stocks, being 
in her as chief patron, the said Venetian. And in the 
company of the said ship sailed also out of Bristol 
three or four small ships fraught with slight and gross 
merchandises, as coarse cloth, caps, laces, points, and 
other trifles, and so departed from Bristol in the begin- 
ning of May : of whom in this Mayor's time returned 
no tidings. 

Of three savage men w^hich he brought home, and 
presented unto the King in the seventeenth year of his 
reign. 

This year also were brought unto the King three men 
taken in the new found island, that before I spake of 
in William Purchas' time, being Mayor. These were 
clothed in beast's skins, and ate raw flesh, and spake 
such speech that no man could understand them, and 
in their demeanor like to brute beasts, whom the King 
kept a time after. Of the which upon two years past 
after, I saw two apparelled after the manner of English- 
men, in Westminster Palace, which at that time I could 

1 1498. 2 Henry VII. 



58 CABOT AND VERRAZZAXO. 

not discern from Englishmen, till I was learned what 
they were. But as for speech, I heard none of them 
utter one word. 

John Baptista Ramusius, in his Preface to the third 
volume of the Navigations, writeth thus of Sebastian 
Gabot : ^ — 

In the latter part of this volume are put certain 
relations of John De Verarzana," a Florentine, and of a 
great captain, a Frenchman, and the two voyages of 
Jaques Cartier, a Briton,^ who sailed into the land set 
in fifty degrees of latitude to the north, which is called 
New France : and the which lands hitherto it is not 
thoroughly known whether they do join with the firm 
land of Florida and Nova Hispania, or whether they 
be separated and divided all by the Sea as Islands : and 
whether by that way one may go by sea into the country 
of Cathaio : ^ as many years past it was WTitten unto 
me by Sebastian Gabot, our countryman Venetian, a 
man of great experience, and very rare in the art of 
Navigation and the knowledge of Cosmography : who 
sailed along and beyond this land of New France, at 
the charges of King Henry the seventh. King of Eng- 
land. And he told me that having sailed a long time 
West and by North beyond these islands unto the lati- 
tude of sixty-seven degrees and a half under the North 
Pole, and at the 11 day of June, finding still the 
open sea without any manner of impediment, he 
thought verily by that way to have passed on still the 
way to Cathaio, which is in the East and would have 

1 Cabot. ^ Verrazzano. 

3 i.e., from Brittany, in France. 4 Catliay. 



SEBASTIAN CAROT S VOYAGE. 59 

done it, if the mutiny of the shipmaster and mariners 
had not rebelled, and made him to return homewards 
from that place. But it seemeth that God doth yet 
reserve this great enterprise for some great Prince to 
discover this voyage of Cathaio by this way : which 
for the bringing of the spiceries from India into Europe 
were the most easy and shortest of all other ways 
hitherto found out. And, surely, this enterprise would 
be the most glorious, and of most importance of all 
other, that can be imagined, to make his name great, 
and fame immortal, to all ages to come, far more than 
can be done by any of all these great troubles and wars, 
which daily are used in Europe among the miserable 
Christian people. 

This much concerning Sebastian Gabot's discovery 
may suffice for a present cast : but shortly, God willing, 
shall come out in print, all his own maps and discourses, 
drawn and written by himself, which are in the custody 
of the worshipful master William Worthington, one of 
her Majesty's Pensioners, who — because so worthy 
monuments should not be buried in perpetual oblivion, 
— is very willing to suffer them to be overseen and pub- 
lished in as good order as may be, to the encouragement 
and benefit of our countrymen.' 

1 But these papers never were printed. 



6o 



CABOT AND VERRAZZANO. 



III. — Verrazzano's Letter to the King. 

[This letter is said to have been written at Dieppe, July 8, 1524, being 
addressed to King Francis I. of France. 

This narrative, if authentic, is the earliest original account of the 
Atlantic coast of the United States, Its authenticity has been doubted; 
and Mr. Bancroft, in the new edition of his History, does not refer to it 
at all. But, as the question is still unsettled, the letter is included here.] 

I WROTE not to your Majesty (most Christian king), 
since the time we suffered 
the tempest in the north 
parts, of the success of 
the four ships which your 
Majesty sent forth to dis- 
cover new lands by the 
ocean, thinking your Majes- 
ty had been already duly in- 
formed thereof. Now by 
these presents I will give 
your Majesty to understand 
how, by the violence of the 
winds, we were forced with the two ships, the "Norman" 
and the " Dolphin," in such evil case as they were, to 
land in Brittany. Where after we had repaired them in 
all points as was needful, and armed them very well, we 
took our course along by the coast of Spain. After- 
wards, with the " Dolphin " alone, we determined to 
make discovery of new countries, to prosecute the navi- 
gation we had already begun ; which I purpose at this 
present to recount unto your Majesty, to make manifest 
the whole proceeding of the matter. The 17th of Janu- 
ary, the year 1524, by the grace of God we departed 




VERRAZZANO. 



VERRAZZANO'S LETTER TO THE KING. 6 1 

from the dishabited rock/ by the Isle of Madeira, 
appertaining to the King of Portugal, with fifty men, 
with victuals, weapon, and other ship munition very well 
provided and furnished for eight months. And, sailing 
westwards with a fair easterly wind, in twenty-five days 
we ran five hundred leagues ; and the 20th of February 
we were overtaken with as sharp and terrible a tempest 
as ever any sailors suffered : whereof, with the divine 
help and merciful assistance of Almighty God, and the 
goodness of our ship, accompanied with the good hap 
of her fortunate name, we were delivered, and with a 
prosperous wind followed our course west by north. 
And in other twenty-five days we made about four hun- 
dred leagues more, where v;e discovered a new land ^ 
never before seen of any man, either ancient or modern. 
And at the first sight it seemed somewhat low ; but, 
being within a quarter of a league of it, we perceived, 
by the great fires that we saw by the seacoast, that it 
was inhabited, and saw that the land stretched to the 
southwards. . . . 

While we rode ^ upon that coast, partly because it 
had no harbor, and for that we wanted water, we sent 
our boat ashore with twenty-five men, where, by reason 
of great and continual waves that beat against the 
shore, being an open coast, without succor none of our 
men could possibly go ashore without losing our boat. 
We saw there many people which came unto the shore 
making divers signs of friendship, and showing that 
they were content we should come a-land; and by 
trial we found them to be very courteous and gentle, as 

1 One of the Dezertas. Dishabited means uninhabited. 

2 Probably the South Carohna coast. 3 At anchor. 



62 CABOT AND VERRAZZANO. 

your Majesty shall understand by the success. To the 
inient we might send them of our things, which the 
Indians commonly desire and esteem, as sheets of 
paper, glasses, bells, and such like trifles, we sent a 
young man, one of our mariners, ashore, who swimming 
towards them, and being within three or four yards off 
the shore, not trusting them, cast the things upon 
the shore. Seeking afterwards to return, he was with 
such violence of the waves beaten upon the shore, that 
he was so bruised that he lay there almost dead, which 
the Indians perceiving, ran to catch him, and, drawing 
him out, they carried him a little way off from the sea. 
The young man, perceiving they carried him, being at 
the first dismayed, began then greatly to fear, and cried 
out piteously. Likewise did the Indians, which did 
accompany him, going about to cheer him and give 
him courage ; and then setting him on the ground at 
the foot of a little hill against the sun, began to behold 
him with great admiration, marvelling at the whiteness 
of his fiesh. And, putting off his clothes, they made 
him warm at a great fire, not without our great fear, 
which remained in the boat, that they would have 
roasted him at that fire and have eaten him. The 
young man having recovered his strength, and having 
staid a while with them, showed them by signs that he 
was desirous to return to the ship. And they with 
great love, clapping him fast about with many embra- 
cings, accompanying him unto the sea, and, to put 
him in more assurance, leaving him alone, went unto 
a high ground, and stood there, beholding him until he 
was entered into the boat. This young man observed, 
as we did also, that these are of color inclining to black, 



VERRAZZANO'S LETTER TO THE KING. 63 

as the others were, with their flesh very shining, of 
mean stature, handsome visage, and deHcate limbs, and 
of very Httle strength, but of prompt wit ; farther we 
observed not. ... 




VERRAZZANO IN NEWPORT HARBOR. 



Departing from hence, following the shore, which 
trended somewhat toward the north, in fifty leagues' 
space we came to another land, which showed much 
more fair, and full of woods, being very great, where we 
rode at anchor ; and, that we might have some knowl- 
edge thereof, we sent twenty men a-land,^ which entered 
into the country about two leagues, and they found that 
the people were fled to the woods for fear. They saw 
only one old woman with a young maid of eighteen or 

1 To land. 



64 CABOT AND VERRAZZANO. 

twenty years old, which, seeing our company, hid them- 
selves in the grass for fear. ' The old woman carried 
two infants on her shoulders, and behind her neck a 
child of eight years old. The young woman was laden 
likewise with as many. But, when our men came unto 
them, the old woman made signs that the men were fled 
into the woods as soon as they saw us. To quiet them, 
and to win their favor, our men gave them such victuals 
as they had with them to eat, which the old woman 
received thankfully ; but the young woman disdained 
them all, and threw them disdainfully on the ground. 
They took a child from the old woman to bring into 
France ; and going about to take the young woman, 
which w^as very beautiful, and of tall stature, could not 
possibly, for the great outcries that she made, bring 
her to the sea ; and especially having great woods to 
pass through, and being far from the ship, we purj^osed 
to leave her behind, bearing away the child only. We 
found those folks to be more wdiite than those that w^e 
found before, being clad with certain leaves that hang 
on the boughs of trees, which they sew together v.'ith 
threads of wild hemp. Their heads were trussed up 
after the same manner as the former were. Their 
ordinary food is of pulse,^ w^hereof they have great store, 
differing in color and taste from ours, of good and 
pleasant taste. Moreover they live by fishing and 
fowling, which they take with gins ^ and bows made of 
hard wood, the arrows of canes being headed with the 
bones of fish and other beasts. The beasts in these 
parts are much wilder than in our Europe, by reason 
they are continually chased and hunted. 

1 Beans, or peas. 2 Traps. 



VERRAZZANO'S LETTER TO THE KING. 65 

We saw many of their boats, made of one tree, 
twenty feet long and four feet broad, which are not 
made of iron, or stone, or any other kind of metal, 
because that in all this country, for the space of two 
hundred leagues which we ran, we never saw one stone 



INDIANS MAKING CANOES. 



of any sort. They help themselves with fire, burning 
so much of the tree as is sufficient for the hollowness 
of the boat : the like they do in making the stern and 
forepart, until it be fit to sail upon the sea. . . . 

And we came to another land,^ being fifteen leagues 
distant from the island, where we found a passing good 
haven, wherein being entered, we found about twenty 
small boats of the people, which, with divers cries and 
wonderings, came about our ship. Coming no nearer 
than fifty paces towards us, they staid and beheld the 
artificialness of our ship, our shape, and apparel, that 
they all made a loud shout together, declaring that they 
rejoiced. When we had something animated^ them, 
using their gestures, they came so near us, that we 
1 Probably Narragansett Bay. 2 j.e. somewhat encouraged. 



66 CABOT AND VERRAZZANO. 

cast them certain bells and glasses and many toys, 
which when they had received, they looked on them 
with laughing, and came without fear aboard our ship. 
There were amongst these people two kings of so 
goodly stature and shape as is possible to declare : 
the eldest was about forty years of age ; the second was 
a young man of twenty years old. Their apparel was 
on this manner : the elder had upon his naked body a 
hart's ^ skin, wrought artificially with divers branches 
like damask. His head was bare, with the hair tied up 
behind with divers knots. About his neck he had a 
large chain garnished with divers stones of sundry 
colors. The young man was almost apparelled after 
the same manner. This is the goodliest people, and 
of the fairest conditions, that we have found in this 
our voyage. They exceed us in bigness. They are of 
the color of brass, some of them incline more to white- 
ness : others are of a yellow color, of comely visage, 
with long and black hair, which they are very careful 
to trim and deck up. . . . 

There are also of them which wear on their arms 
very rich skins of leopards : they adorn their heads 
with divers ornaments made of their own hair, which 
hanofs down before on both sides their breasts : others 
use other kind of dressing themselves, like unto the 
women of Egypt and Syria. These are of the elder 
sort ; and, when they are married, they wear divers 
toys,^ according to the usage of the people gf the East, 
as well men as women. . . . 

Among whom we saw many plates of wrought cop- 
per, which they esteem more than gold, which for the 
1 Deer's. '- Various ornaments. 



VERRAZZANO'S LETTER TO THE KING. 67 

color they make no account of, for that among all other 
it is counted the basest. They make the most account 
of azure and red. The things that they esteemed most 
of all those which we gave them were bells, crystal of 
azure color, and other toys to hang at their ears or 
about their neck. They did not desire cloth of silk or 
gold, much less of any other sort ; neither cared they 
for things made of steel and iron, which we often showed 
them in our armor, which they made no wonder at; and, 
in beholding them, they only asked the art of making 
them. The like they did at our glasses,-^ which when 
they beheld, they suddenly laughed, and gave them us 
again. . . . 

And oftentimes one of the two kings coming with 
his queen, and many gentlemen for their pleasure, to 
see us, they all staid on the shore, two hundred paces 
from us, sending a small boat to give us intelligence of 
their coming, saying they would come to see our ship. 
This they did in token of safety ; and, as soon as they 
had answer from us, they came immediately, and, hav- 
ing staid awhile to behold it, they wondered at hearing 
the cries and noise of the mariners. The queen and 
her maids staid in a very light boat, at an island a 
quarter of a league off, while the king abode a long 
space in our ship, uttering divers conceits ^ with ges- 
tures, viewing with great admiration all the furniture of 
the ship, demanding the property of every thing partic- 
ularly. He took likewise great pleasure in beholding 
our apparel, and in tasting our meats, and so courte- 
ously taking his leave departed. And sometimes our 
men staying for two or three days on a little island 

1 Mirrors. 2 Various exclamations. 



68 CABOT AND VERRAZZANO, 

near the ship for divers necessaries, — as it is the use 
of seamen, — he returned with seven or eight of his 
gentlemen to see what we did, and asked of us ofttimes 
if we meant to make any long abode there, offering us 
of their provision ; then the king, drawing his bow, and 
running up and down with his gentlemen, made much 
sport to gratify our men. . . . 

We found another land ^ high, full of thick woods, 
the trees whereof were firs, cypresses, and such like as 
are wont to grow in cold countries. The people differ 
much from the other, and look ! how much the former 
seemed to be courteous and gentle, so much were these 
full of rudeness and ill manners, and so barbarous, that 
by no signs that ever we could make, we could have 
any kind of traffic with them. They clothe themselves 
with bears' skins, and leopards', and seals', and other 
beasts' skins. Their food, as far as we could perceive, 
repairing often unto their dwellings, we suppose to be 
by hunting and fishing, and of certain fruits, which are 
a kind of roots which the earth yieldeth of her own 
accord. They have no grain, neither saw we any kind 
or sign of tillage ; neither is the land, for the barrenness 
thereof, apt to bear fruit or seed. If, at any time, we 
desired by exchange to have any of their commodities, 
they used to come to the seashore upon certain craggy 
rocks, and, we standing in our boats, they let down with 
a rope what it pleased them to give us, crying contin- 
ually that we should not approach to the land, demand- 
ing immediately the exchange, taking nothing but knives, 
fish-hooks, and tools to cut withal ; neither did they make 
any account of our courtesy. And when we had nothing 
1 Probably the coast of Maine. 



VERRAZZANO'S LETTER TO THE KING. 69 

left to exchange with them, when we departed from 
them, the people showed all signs of discourtesy and 
disdain as was possible for any creature to invent. We 
were, in despite of them, two or three leagues within 
the land, being in number twenty-five armed men of us. 
And, when we went on shore, they shot at us with their 
bows, making great outcries, and afterwards fled into 
the woods. . . . 

Having now spent all our provision and victuals, and 
having discovered about seven hundred leagues and 
more of new countries, and being furnished with water 
and wood, we concluded to return into France. 



BOOK IV. 

THE STRANGE VOYAGE OF CABEZA DE 
VACA. 

(A.D. I528-I533.) 



These extracts are taken from " Tlie Narrative of Cabeza de Vaca, 
translated by Buckingham Smith," Washington, 185 1, pp. 30-99. See, 
also, Henry Kingsley's "Tales of Old Travel." 



THE STRANGE VOYAGE OF CABEZA 
DE VACA. 



I. — The Strange Voyage. 

[Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca sailed for Florida in June, 1527, as 
treasurer of a Spanish armada, or armed fleet. In Cuba they encountered 
a hurricane, which delayed them ; but they at last reached the coast of 
Florida in February, 1 528, probably landing at what is now called Charlotte 
Harbor. A portion of the party left their ships, and marched into the 
interior, reaching a region which they called Apalache, probably in what is 
now Alabama. Then they were driven back to the seashore, amid great 
hardships, losing one-third cf their number before they reached Ante, now 
the Bay of St. Mark's. Near this they came to the sea ; and here the 
narrative begins,] 

IT was a piteous and painful thing to witness the 
perplexity and distress in which we were. At our 
arrival, we saw the little means there were of our 
advancing farther : there was not anywhere to go, and, 
if there had been, the people could not move forward, 
because the greater part of them were sick, and there 
were few that could be of any use. . . . 

The governor called them all to him, and of each by 
himself he asked his advice what to do to get out of a 
country so miserable, and seek elsewhere that remedy 



74 



THE STRANGE VOYAGE OF CABEZA DE VACA. 



which could not here be found, a third part of the people 
being very sick, and the number increasing every hour ; 
for we regarded it as certain that we should all become 
so, and out of it we could only pass through death ; 
which, from its coming in such a place, was to us only 
the more terrible. These and many other embarrass- 
ments considered, and entertaining many plans, we 




CABEZA DE VACA BUILDING THE BOAT. 



coincided in one great project, extremely difficult to put 
in operation, and that was, to build vessels in which we 
might go away. This to all appeared impossible ; for 
we knew not how to build, nor were there tools, nor 
iron, nor forge, nor tow, nor resin, nor rigging ; finally, 
no one thing of so many that are necessary, nor any 
man who had a knowledge of their manufacture. And, 



THE STRANGE VOYAGE. 75 

above all, there was nothing to eat the while they were 
making, nor any knowledge in those who would have to 
perform the labor. Reflecting on all this, we agreed 
to think of the subject with more deliberation ; and the 
discourse dropped for that day, each going his way, 
commending our course to God, our Lord, that he 
should direct it as would best serve him. 

The next day, it was His will that one of the company 
should come, saying that he could make some pipe out 
of wood, which, with deer-skins, might be made into 
bellows ; and, as we lived in a time when any thing that 
had the semblance of relief appeared well, we told him 
to set himself to work. We assented to the making of 
nails, saws, axes, and other tools, of which there was 
such need, from the stirrups, spurs, cross-bows, and the 
other things of iron that there were ; and we said, that, 
for support while the work was going on, we would 
make four entries ixito Ante, with all the horses and 
men that were able to go ; and that every third day a 
horse should be killed, which should be divided among 
those that had labored on the work of the boats, and 
those that were sick. The forays were made with the 
people and horses that were of any use, and in them were 
brought back as many as four bushels of maize ; but 
these were not got without quarrels and conflicts with 
the Indians. We caused to be collected many pal- 
mettos for the benefit of the woof or covering, twisting 
and preparing it for use in the place of tow for the 
boats. 

We commenced to build on the 4th, with the one 
only carpenter in the company ; and we proceeded with 
so great diligence, that, on the twentieth day of Sep- 



76 THE STRANGE VOYAGE OF CAEEZA DE VACA. 

tember, five boats were finished, of twenty-two cubits in 
length each, calked with the fibre of the palmetto. We 
pitched them with a certain resin, which was made from 
pine-trees, by a Greek named Don Theodoro ; and from 
the same husk of the palmettos, and from the tails and 
manes of the horses, Ave made ropes and rigging; and 
from our shirts, sails ; and from the savins ^ that grew 
there, we made the oars that appeared to us to be 
requisite. 

And such was the country in which our sins had cast 
us, that with very great trouble we could find stone for 
ballast and anchors to the boats, since in all of it we 
had not seen one. We flayed the horses, and took off 
the skins of their legs entire, and tanned them, to make 
bottles in which we might carry water. 

During this time, some went gathering shell-fish in 
the coves and creeks of the sea, at which the Indians 
twice attacked them, and killed ten of our men in sight 
of the camp, without our being able to afford them 
succor. We found them traversed from side to side 
by the arrows ; and, although some had on good armor, 
it did not afford sufficient protection against the nice 
and powerful archery, of which I have spoken before. 
. . . Before we embarked, there died, without enumer- 
ating those destroyed by the Indians, more than forty 
men, of disease and hunger. By the 22d of the month 
of September, the horses had been consumed, one 
only remaining ; and on that day we embarked in the 
following order, — in the boat of the governor there 
went forty-nine men ; in another, which he gave to the 
controller and the commissary, went others as many. 

1 Cedars. 



THE STRANGE VOYAGE. 77 

The third he gave to Capt. Alonzo del Castillo and 
Andres Dorantes, with forty-eight men ; and another 
he gave to two captains, Tellez and Befialosa, with 
forty-seven men. The last he gave to the assessor and 
me, with forty-nine men. After the provision and 
clothes had been taken in, there remained not over a 
span of the gunwales ^ above the water ; and, more than 
this, we went so crowded, we could not move. So much 
can necessity do, which drove us to hazard our lives in 
this manner, running into a sea so turbulent, with not 
a single one that went there having a knowledge of 
navigation. 

The haven we left has for its name La Baya de 
Cavallos."^ We passed waist-deep in water through 
sounds for seven days, without seeing any point of the 
coast ; and at the close of them we came to an island 
near the land. My boat went first ; and from her we 
saw Indians coming in five canoes, which they aban- 
doned, and left in our hands. The other boats, seeing 
us go towards them, passed ahead, and stopped at some 
houses on the island, where we found many mullet and 
mullet-roes dried, — a great relief to the distress in 
which we were. After taking these, we went on, and, 
two leagues thence, we discovered a strait the island 
makes with the land, which we named San Miguel, 
from having passed through it on his day.^ 

Having come out, we went to the coast, where, with 

1 The side of the vessel. 

'- The Bay of Horses, probably Choctawhatchee Bay, communicating 
with Pensacola Bay by Santa Rosa Inlet; but some suppose it to have 
been Appalachicola Bay. 

3 St. Michael's Day, Sept. 29. 



78 THE STRANGE VOYAGE OF CABEZA DE VACA. 

the five canoes I had taken from the Indians, we some- 
what improved the boats, making waist-boards, and 
securing them so that the sides rose two pahns above 
the waters. With this we turned to travel along the 
coast in the direction of the River Palmas, every day- 
increasing our hunger and thirst ; for the provisions 
were very scant, and getting near their end, and the 
water was gone, because the bottles we made from the 
legs of the horses soon rotted, and were useless. Some- 
times we entered coves and creeks that lay far in, and 
found them all shallow and dangerous. Thus we trav- 
elled thirty days among them, where we sometimes 
found Indian fishermen, a poor and miserable people. 

At the end of this time, while the want of water was 
extreme, going near the coast at night, we heard the 
approach of a canoe ; and as we saw it we waited its 
arrival : but it would not meet us, and, although we 
called, it would not return, nor wait for us. As the 
night was dark, we did not follow it, but kept on our 
way. When the sun rose, we saw a small island, and 
went to it, to see if we could find water : but our labor 
was vain ; for it had none. Being there at anchor, a 
heavy storm overtook us, that detained us six days, 
without our daring to go to sea : and, as it was now five 
days in which we had not drunk, our thirst was so 
excessive, that it put us to the extremity of drinking salt 
water ; and some of the men so greatly crazed them- 
selves by it, that directly we had four of them to die. I 
state this thus briefly, because I do not believe there is 
any necessity for particularly relating the sufferings and 
toils in which we found ourselves ; for considering the 
place we were in, and the little hope we had of relief, 



THE STRANGE VOYAGE. 79 

every one may conceive much of what would have 
passed there/ 

Although the storm had not ceased, and we found that 
our thirst increased, and the water killed us, we resolved 
to commend ourselves to God our Lord, and venture 
the peril of the sea, [rather] than await the certainty of 
death which thirst imposed. Accordingly, we went out 
by the way in which we had seen the canoe the night 
we came there. On this day, we ourselves were many 
times overwhelmed by the waves, and in such jeopardy, 
that there was not one who did not suppose his death 
certain. I return thanks to our Lord, that, in the great- 
est dangers, he should have shown us his favor ; for 
at sunset we doubled a point made by the sand, and 
found great calm and shelter. 

So we sailed that day until the middle of the after- 
noon, when my boat, which was first, discovered a 
point made by the land, and, against a cape opposite, a 
broad river passed. I anchored by a little island which 
forms the point, to await the arrival of the other boats. 
The governor did not choose to come up, but entered a 
bay near by, in which were a great many islets. We 
came together there, and took fresh water from the sea; 
for the stream entered it impetuously.^ To parch some 
of the corn we had brought with us, since we had eaten 
it raw for two days past, we went on the island ; but, as 
we found no wood, we agreed to go to the river behind 
the point, which was one league off. We were unable 
to get there by any efforts, so violent was the current 
on the way, which drove us from the land while we con- 
tended, and strove to gain it. The north wind, which 

1 It is thought that this river may have been the Mississippi. 



8o THE STRANGE VOYAGE OF CABEZA DE VACA. 

came from the shore, began to blow so strongly, that it 
drove us to sea without our being able to overcome it. 
Half a league out we sounded, and found, that, with 
thirty fathoms, we could not get the bottom ; but we 
could not be satisfied that the river was not the cause 
of our failure to reach it. 

Toiling in this manner to fetch the land, we navi- 
gated two days, and at the end of the time, a little 
while before the sun rose, we saw many smokes along 
the shore. While attempting to reach them, we found 
ourselves in three fathoms of water; and, it being dark, 
we dared not come to land ; for, as we had seen so 
many smokes, we thought some danger might surprise 
us, and the obscurity leave us at a loss what to do. 
So we determined to wait until the morning. When it 
came, the boats had all lost sight of each other. I 
found myself in thirty fathoms ; and, keeping my course 
until the hour of vespers, I observed two boats, and, as 
I drew near to them, I found that the first I approached 
was that of the governor, who asked me what I thought 
we should do. I told him we ought to join that boat 
which went in the advance, and by no means to leave 
her ; and, the three being together, that we should keep 
on our way to where God should be pleased to direct 
us. He answered me, saying it could not be done, 
because the boat was far to sea, and he wished to 
reach the shore ; that, if I wished to follow him, I 
should order the persons of my boat to take the oars, 
and work, as it was only by strength of arm that the 
land could be gained. 

He was advised to this course by a captain he had 
with him named Pantoja, who told him, that, if he did 



THE STRANGE VOYAGE. 8 1 

not fetch the land that day, in six days more they 
would not reach it ; and in that time they must inevita- 
bly famish. I, seeing his will, took my oar ; and the 
same did all who were in my boat, to obey it. We 
rowed until near sunset ; but, as the governor carried in 
his boat the healthiest men there were among the 
whole, we could not by any means hold with or follow 
her. Seeing this, I asked him to give me a rope from 
his boat, that I might be enabled to keep up with him ; 
but he answered me that he would do no little,^ if they, 
as they were, should be able to reach the land that 
night. I said to him, that, since he saw the little 
strength we had to follow him and do what he had 
commanded, he should tell me what he would that I 
should do. He answered me, that it was no longer a 
time in which one should command another, but that 
each should do what he thought best to save his own 
life ; that he so intended to act ; and, saying this, he 
departed with his boat. As I could not follow him, I 
steered to the other boat at sea, which waited for me ; 
and, having come up with her, I found her to be the 
one commanded by the captains Benalosa and Tellez. 

Thus we continued in company, eating a daily ration 
of half a handful of raw maize, until the end of four 
days, when we lost sight of each other in a storm ; and 
such was the weather, that it was only by divine favor 
that we did not all go down. Because of the winter 
and its inclemency, the many days we had suffered 
hunger, and the heavy beating of the waves, the people 
began the next day to despair in such a manner, that, 
when the sun went down, all who were in my boat were 

1 i.e., that it would be as much as he could do. 



62 THE STRANGE VOYAGE OF CABEZA DE VACA. 

fallen one on another, so near to death, that there were 
few among- them in a state of sensibility. Among them 
all at this time there were not five men on their feet ; 
and, when the night came, there were left only the 
master and myself who could work the boat. At the 
second hour of the night, he said to me that I must 
take charge of her, for that he was in such condition 
he believed that night he should die. So I took the 
paddle ; and after midnight I went to see if the master 
was alive, and he said to me that he was better, and 
that he would take the charge until day. I declare 
that in that hour I would have more willingly died than 
seen so many people before me in such condition. 
After the master took the direction of the boat, I lay 
down a little while, but without repose ; for nothing at 
that time was farther from me than sleep. 

Near the dawn of day, it seemed to me that I heard 
the tumbling of the sea ; for, as the coast was low, it 
roared loudly. Surprised at this, I called to the mas- 
ter, who answered me that he believed we were near 
the land. We sounded, and found ouselves in seven 
fathoms. He thought we should keep the sea until 
sunrise ; and accordingly I took an oar, and pulled on 
the side of the land until we were a league distant ; 
and we then gave her stern to the sea. Near the shore, 
a wave took us that knocked the boat out of the w^ater 
to the distance of the throw of a crowbar ; and by the 
violence of the blow nearly all of the people who were 
in her like dead were roused to consciousness. Finding 
themselves near the shore, they began to move on 
hands and feet, and crawled to land in some ravines. 
There we made fire, parching some of the maize we 



CABEZA DE VACA SAVED BY INDIANS, 8^ 

brought with us, and where we found rain-water. From 
the warmth of the fire the people recov^ered their facul- 
ties, and began somewhat to exert themselves.^ The 
day on which we arrived here was the 6th of No- 
vember. 



II. CaBEZA DE VaCA SAVED BY INDIANS. 

After the people had eaten, I ordered Lope de 
Oviedo, who had more strength, and was stouter, than 
any of the rest, to go to some trees that were near, and, 
having climbed into one of them, to survey the country 
in which we were, and endeavor to get some knowledge 
of it. He did as I bade him, and made out that we 
were on an island. He saw that the ground was pawed 
up in the manner that the land is wont to be where 
cattle range ; and hence it appeared to him that this 
should be the country of Christians, and thus he re- 
ported to us. I ordered him to return to examine much 
more particularly, and see if there were any roads in 
it that were worn, and without going far, because of 
the danger there mij^ht be. He went, and, coming to a 
path, he took it for the distance of half a league, and 
found some huts without any tenants, for the Indians 

1 This strange incident of the revival of the men who seemed to have 
died may possibly have suggested to the poet Coleridge that passage in 
his " Ancient Mariner " where the dead sailors rise up again : — 

" They groaned, they stirred, they all uprose, 
Nor spake, nor moved their eyes : 
It had been strange, even in a dream, 
To see those dead mon rise." 



84 THE STRANGE VOYAGE OF CABEZA DE VACA. 

had gone into the woods. He took from them an 
earthen pot, a Httle dog, some few mullets, and thus 
returned. It appearing to us that he was long absent, 
we sent two others, that they should look and see what 
might have befallen him. 

They met him near by, and saw that three Indians 
with bows and arrows followed, and were calling to him; 
and he, in the same way, was beckoning them on. Thus 
they arrived where we were ; the Indians remaining a 
little way back, seated on the same bank. Half an 
hour after, they were supported by fifty other Indian 
bowmen, whom, whether large or not, our fears made 
giants. They stopped near us with the three first. It 
were idle to think that there were any among us who 
could make defence ; for it would have been difficult to 
find six that could raise themselves from the ground. 
The assessor and I went and called them, and they 
came to us. We endeavored the best we could to 
recommend ourselves to their favor, and secure their 
good-will. We gave them beads and hawk-bells ; and 
each one of them gave me an arrow, which is a pledge 
of friendship. They told us by signs that they would 
return in the morning, and bring us something to eat, 
as at that time they had nothing. 

The next day at sunrise, the time the Indians had 
appointed, they came as they had promised, and brought 
us a large quantity of fish, and certain roots that are 
eaten by them, of the size of walnuts, some a little 
larger, others a little smaller, the greater part of them 
got from under the water, and with much labor. In 
the evening they returned, and brought us more fish, 
and some of the roots. They sent their women and 



CABEZA DE VACA SAVED BY INDIANS. 85 

children to look at us, who returned rich with the hawk- 
bells and beads that we gave them ; and they came after- 
ward on other days in the same way. As we found 
that we had been provisioned with fish, roots, water, 
and other things for which we asked, we determined to 
embark again, and pursue our course. We dug out our 
boat from the sand in which it was buried ; and it be- 
came necessary that we should all strip ourselves, and 
go through great exertion to launch her, for we were in 
such state, that things very much lighter sufficed to 
make us much labor. 

Thus embarked, at the distance of two cross-bow 
shots in the sea we shipped a wave that wet us all. As 
we were naked, and the cold was very great, the oars 
loosened in our hands ; and the next blow the sea struck 
us capsized the boat. The assessor and two others 
held fast to her for preservation ; but it happened to be 
for far otherwise, as tlie boat carried them over, and they 
drowned under her. As the surf near the shore was 
very high, a single roll of the sea threw the remainder 
into the waves, and half drowned us on the shore of the 
island, without our losing any more than the boat had 
taken under. Those of us who survived escaped naked 
as we were born, losing all that we had ; and, although 
the whole was of little value, at that time it was worth 
much. 

As it was then in the month of November, the cold 
severe, and our bodies so emaciated that the bones 
might have been counted with little difficulty, we had 
become perfect figures of death. For myself, I can say, 
that, from the month of May past, I had not eaten other 
thing than maize, and sometimes I found myself obliged 



86 THE STRANGE VOYAGE OF CABEZA DE VACA. 

to eat it unparched ; for, although the horses were 
slaughtered while the boats were being built, I never 
could eat of them, and I did not eat fish ten times, I 
state this to avoid giving excuses, and that every one 
may judge in what condition we were. After all these 
misfortunes, there came a north wind upon us, from 
which we were nearer to death than life. Thanks be 
to our Lord, that, looking among the brands that we 
had used there, we found sparks from which we made 
great fires. And thus we were asking mercy of him, 
and pardon for our transgressions, shedding many tears, 
and each reo-rettino^, not his own fate alone, but that of 
his comrades about him. 

At sunset, the Indians, thinking that we had not 
gone, came to seek us, and bring us food ; but when 
they saw us thus, in a plight so different from what it 
was formerly, and so extraordinar}^ they were alarmed, 
and turned back. I went toward them, and called to 
them; and they returned much frightened. I gave them 
to understand by signs how that our boat had sunk, 
and three of our number been drowned. There, before 
them, they saw two of the departed ; and those that 
remained were near joining them. The Indians, at 
sight of the disaster that had befallen us, and our state 
of suffering and melancholy destitution, sat down 
amongst us ; and from the sorrow and pity they felt for 
us, they all began to lament, and so earnestly, that they 
might have been heard at a distance ; and they con- 
tinued so doing more than half an hour. It was 
strange to see these men, so wild and untaught, howling 
like brutes over our misfortunes. It caused in me, as 
in others, an increase of feeling, and a livelier sense of 
our calamity. 



CABEZA DE VACA SAVED P.Y INDIANS. 87 

Their cries having ceased, I talked with the Chris- 
tians, and said, that, if it appeared well to them, I would 
beg these Indians to take us to their houses. Some 
who had been in New Spain said that we ought not to 
think of it; for, if we should do so, they would sacrifice 
us to their idols. But seeing no better course, and 
that any other led to nearer and more certain death, 
I disregarded what was said, and besought the Indians 
to take us to their dwellings. They signified that it 
would give them great delight, and that we should 
tarry a little, that we might do what we asked. Pres- 
ently, thirty of them loaded themselves with wood, and 
started for their houses, which were far off, and we 
remained with the others until near night, when, hold- 
ing us up, they carried us with all haste. Because of 
the extreme coldness of the weather, lest any one should 
die or fail by the way, they caused four or five large 
fires to be placed at intervals ; and at each one of them 
they warmed us, and, when they saw that we had re- 
gained some strength and warmth, they took us to the 
next so swiftly that they hardly permitted us to put our 
feet to the ground. In this manner, we went as far as 
their habitations, where we found that they had made a 
house for us with many fires in it. An hour after our 
arrival, they began to dance, and hold great rejoicing, 
which lasted all night, although for us there was no 
joy, appetite, or sleep, awaiting the time they should 
make us victims. In the morning, they again gave us 
fish and roots, and showed us such hospitality, that we 
were re-assured, and lost somewhat the fear of the 
sacrifice.^ 

1 i.e., of beinij offered as a sacrifice. 



88 THE STRANGE VOYAGE OF CABEZA DE VACA. 



III. — Cabeza DE Vaca's Captivity. 

[The eighty men taken by the Indians were soon reduced by death 
to fifteen. These were made slaves, and were severely treated.] 

I WAS obliged to remain with the people of the island 
more than a year ; and because of the hard work they 
put upon me, and their harsh treatment, I determined 
to flee from them, and go to those of Charruco, who 
inhabit the forests and country of the main ; for the 
life I led was insupportable. Beside much other labor, 
I had to get out roots from below the water, and from 
amons: the cane where it sfrew in the jrround. From 
this employment I had my fingers so worn, that, did a 
straw but touch them, it would draw blood. Many of 
the canes were broken, so that they often tore my flesh ; 
and I had to go in the midst of them with only the 
clothing on me I have mentioned. 

Accordingly, T put myself to work to get over to the 
other Indians ; and afterward, while I was with them, 
affairs changed for me somewhat more favorably. I set 
myself to trafficking, and strove to turn my employment 
to profit in the ways I could best contrive ; and by this 
means I got from the Indians food and good treatment. 
They would beg me to go from one part to another for 
things of which they have need ; for, in consequence of 
continual hostilities, they cannot travel the country, nor 
make many exchanges. With my merchandise and 
trade I went into the interior as far as I pleased ; and I 
travelled along the coast forty or fifty leagues. The 
chief of my wares was pieces of sea-snails and their 



CABEZA DE VACA's CAPTIVITY. 89 

cones, conches, that are used for cutting,^ and a fruit 
like a bean, of the highest value among them, which 
they use as a medicine, and employ in their dances and 
festivities. There are sea-beads also, and other articles. 
Such were what I carried into the interior ; and, in bar- 
ter for them, I brought back skins, ochre, with which 
they rub and color their faces, and flint for arrow-points, 
cement and hard canes, of which to make arrows, and 
tassels that are made of the hair of deer, ornamented, 
and dyed red. 

This occupation suited me well ; for the travel gave 
me liberty to go where I wished. I was not obliged to 
work, and was not a slave. Wherever I went, I received 
fair treatment ; and the Indians gave me to eat for the 
sake of my commodities. My leading object, while 
journeying in this business, was to find out the way by 
which I should have to go forward ; and I became well 
known to the inhabitants. They were pleased when 
they saw me, and I had brought for them what they 
wanted ; and those that did not know me sought and 
desired my acquaintance for my reputation. The 
hardships that I underwent in this it were long to tell, 
as well of peril and privation, as of storms and cold. 
Many of them found me in the wilderness and alone ; 
but I came forth from them all, by the great mercy of 
God our Lord. Because of them, I ceased to pursue 
the business in winter ; for it is a season in which the 
natives themselves retire to their villages and huts, 
sluggish, and incapable of exertion. 

I was in this country nearly six years,- alone among 

1 The sea-snails and conches (or conchs) were shells of various species. 

2 From 1528 to 1533. 



90 THE STRANGE VOYAGE OF CADEZA DE VACA. 

the Indians, and naked like them. The reason why I 
remained so long was, that I might take with me from 
the island the Christian Lope de Oviedo. De Alaniz, 
his companion, who had been left with him by Alonzo 
del Castillo, Andres Dorantes, and the rest, died soon 
after their departure ; and, to get the survivor out from 
there, I went over to the island every year, and entreated 
him that we should go, in the way we could best con- 
trive, in quest of Christians. He put me off every year, 
saying that in the next coming we would go. At last 1 
got him off, crossing him over the bay, and over four 
rivers there are in the coast, as he could not swim. In 
this way we went on with some Indians, until coming 
to a bay a league in width, and everywhere deep. From 
its appearance, we supposed it to be that which they 
call Espiritu Santo. 

We met some Indians on the other side of it, who 
came to visit ours ; and they told us that beyond them 
there were three men like us, and gave their names. 
And we asked them for the others ; and they told us 
that they were all dead of cold and hunger; that the 
Indians farther on, of whom they were, had for their 
diversion killed Diego Dorantes, Valdevieso, and Diego 
de Huelva, because they left one house for another ; and 
that other Indians, their neighbors, with whom Captain 
Dorantes now w^as, had, in consequence of a dream, 
killed Esquivel and Mendez. We asked them how the 
living were situated ; and they answered us that they 
were very ill used ; for that the boys and some of the 
Indian men were very idle, and of cruelty gave them 
severe kicks, cuffs, and blows with sticks, and that such 
was the life they led among them. 



THE INDIANS OF THE GULP' OF MEXICO. 9 1 

We desired to be informed of the country ahead, and 
of the subsistence in it ; and they said there was nothing 
in it to eat, and [it] was thin of people, who suffered of 
cold, having no skins or other thing to cover them. They 
told us, also, if we wished to see those three Christians, 
two days from that time the Indians who had them 
would come to eat walnuts a league from there, on the 
margin of that river ; and, that we might know what 
they had told us of the ill usage to be true, they 
slapped my companion, and beat him with a stick, and 
I was not left without my portion. They frequently 
threw fragments of mud at us ; and every day they put 
their arrows to our hearts, saying that they were inclined 
to kill us in the way they had destroyed our friends. Lope 
Oviedo, my comrade, in fear, said that he wished to go 
back with the women who had crossed the bay with us, 
the men having remained some distance behind. I 
contended strongly with him against his returning, and 
I urged many objections ; but in no way could I keep 
him. So he "went back, and I remained alone with those 



IV. — The Indians of the Gulf of Mexico. 

These are the most w^atchful in danger of any people 
I have ever seen. If they fear an enemy, they are 
awake the night long, with each a bow by his side, and 
a dozen arrows. He that sleeps tries his bow ; and, if 
it is not strung, he gives the turn necessary to the cord. 
They often come out from their houses, bending to the 
ground in such manner, that they cannot be seen, and 



92 THE STRANGE VOYAGE OF CABEZA DE VACA. 

look and watch on all sides to catch every object. If 
they perceive any thing about, they are all in the 
bushes with their bows and arrows, and there they 
remain until day, running from place to place where it 
is useful to be, or where they think their enemies are. 
When the light has come, they unbend their bows until 
they go out to hunt. The strings are of the sinews of 
deer. 

The method they have of fighting is lying low to the 
earth ; and, whilst they shoot, they move about, speak- 
ing, and leaping from one point to another, screening 
themselves from the shafts of their enemies. So effec- 
tual is this manoeuvring, that they can receive very 
little injury from cross-bow or arquebuse ;^ but they rather 
scoff at them : for these arms are of little value em- 
ployed in open field, where the Indians go loosely. 
They are proper for defiles, and in water : everywhere 
else the horses will be found the most effective, and 
are what the natives universally fear. Whosoever 
would fight against them must be cautious to show no 
weakness or desire for any thing that is theirs ; and, 
whilst war exists, they must be treated with the utmost 
severity ; for, if they discover any timidity or covetous- 
ness, they are a race that well discern the opportunities 
for vengeance, and gather strength from the fear of 
their adversaries. When they use arrows in battle, and 
exhaust their store, each returns by his own way with- 
out the one jDarty following the other, although the one 
be many and the other few ; for such is their custom. 
Oftentimes their bodies are traversed from side to side 
by arrows; and they do not die of the wounds, but 

1 A small matchlock gitti. 



CABEZA DE VACA S ESCAPE. 93 

soon become well, unless the entrails or the heart be 
struck. 

I believe they see and hear better, and have keener 
senses, than any people there are in the world. They 
are great in the endurance of hunger, thirst, and cold, 
as if they were made for these more than others by 
habit and nature. Thus much I have wished to say 
beyond the gratification of that desire which men have 
to learn the customs and manners of each other, that 
those who hereafter at some time find themselves 
amongst these people may be intelligent in their usages 
and artifice, the value of which they will not find incon- 
siderable in such event. 



V. — Cabeza de Vaca's Escape. 

[After getting away fronvhis first captors, lie came among Indians who 
tlioiight tliat lie and his comrades must have come from heaven, because of 
their superior knowledge. He thus describes them.] 

We left these, and travelled through so many sorts 
of people, of such diverse languages, that the memory 
fails to recall them. They ever plundered each other ; 
and those that lost,* like those that gained, were fully 
content. We drew so many followers after us, that 
we had not use for their services. While on our way 
through these vales, each of the Indians carried a club 
three palms in length, and kept himself on the alert. 
On raising a hare, which are abundant, they surround 
it directly; and numerous clubs are thrown at it, and 
with a precision astonishing to see. In this way they 
cause it to run from one to another \ so that, accord- 



94 THE STRANGE VOYAGE OF CABEZA DE VACA. 

ing to my thinking, it is the most pleasing sport that 
can be conceived of, as oftentimes the animal runs into 
the hand. So many of them did they give us, that at 
night, when we stopped, each one of us had eight or ten 
back-loads. Those who had bows were not with us, but 
dispersed about the ridge in quest of deer ; and, when 
they came at night, they brought five or six for each of 
us, besides birds, the quail, and other game. Indeed, 
all that they found or killed they put before us, without 
themselves daring to take any thing until we had 
blessed it, though they should be dying of hunger ; for 
they had so established the custom since marching with 
us. 

The women carried many mats, of which the men 
made us houses, each of us having a separate one with 
all his attendants. After these were put up, we ordered 
the deer and hares to be roasted, with the rest that had 
been taken. This was soon done by means of certain 
ovens made for the purpose. We took a little of each ; 
and the remainder we gave to the principal personages 
that came with us, directing them to divide them among 
the rest. Every one brought his portion to us, that we 
should give it our benediction ; for not until then dared 
they to eat of it. Frequently we were accompanied by 
three or four thousand persons ; and as we had to 
breathe upon and sanctify the food and drink for each, 
and give them permission to do the many things they 
would come to ask, it may be seen how great to us 
were the trouble and annoyance. The women first 
brought us the pears, spiders, worms, and whatever 
else they could gather ; for, even if they were famish- 
ing, they would eat nothing unless we gave it to them. 



CABEZA DE VACA S ESCAPE. 95 

In company with these we crossed a great river com- 
ing from the north ; and, passing over some plains thirty 
leagues in extent, we found many persons who came 
from a great distance to receive us ; and they met us 
on the road over which we had to travel, and received 
us in the manner of those we had left. . . . 

We told them to conduct us toward the north ; and 
they answered us as they had done before, saying, that, 
in that direction, there were no people, except afar off ; 
that there was nothing to eat, nor could water be found. 
Nowithstandi ng all this, we persisted, and said that in 
that course we desired to go ; and they still tried to 
excuse themselves in the best manner possible. At 
this we became offended : and one night I went out to 
sleep in the woods, apart from them ; but they directly 
went to where I was, and remained there all night 
without sleeping, and in great fear, talking to me, and 
telling me how terrified they were, beseeching us to be 
no longer angry, and that though they knew they should 
die on the way, they would nevertheless lead us in the 
direction we desired to go. 

Whilst we still feigned to be displeased, that their 
fright might not leave them, there happened a remark- 
able circumstance, which was, that on this same day 
many of them became ill, and the next day eight men 
died. Abroad in the country wheresoever this became 
known, there was such dread, that it seemed as if the 
inhabitants at sight of us would die of fear. They 
besought us that we would not remain angered, nor 
require that many of them should die. They believed 
that we caused their death by only willing it ; when in 
truth it gave us so much pain that it could not be 



96 THE STRANGE VOYAGE OF CABEZA DE VACA. 

greater ; for, beyond the loss of them that died, we 
feared they might all die, or abandon us out of fear, 
and all other people thenceforward should do the same, 
seeing what had come to these. We prayed to God 
our Lord, that he would relieve them ; and thenceforth 
all those that were sick began to get better. . , . 

From that place onward there was another usage, 
that those who knew of our approach did not come out 
to receive us on the roads, as the others had done, but 
we found them in their houses, and others they had 
made for our reception. They were all seated with 
their faces turned to the wall, their heads down, and 
the hair brought before their eyes, and their property 
placed in a heap in the middle of their houses. From 
this place forward they began to give us many blankets 
of skin, and they had nothing that they did not give to 
us. They have the finest persons of any that we saw, 
and of the greatest activity and strength, and [were 
those] who best understood us, and intelligently 
answered our inquiries. We called them los de las 
vacas, the cow nation, because most of the cattle that 
are killed are destroyed in their neighborhood ; and 
along up that river over fifty leagues they kill great 
numbers. 

[Cabeza de Vaca crossed the Mississippi, or passed its mouth, many 
years before De Soto reached it. Having finally arrived at the city of 
Mexico, he was sent home to Europe, and reached Lisbon Aug. 15, 1537. 
His later adventures will be found in Southey's Hist, of Brazil, chap, v.] 



BOOK V. 

THE FRENCH IN CANADA, 

(AD. 1534-1536-) 



The extracts from Cartier's narratives are taken from an old transla- 
tion, to be found in Hakluyt's '• Voyages " (edition of 1810), vol. 3, pp. 
250, 257, 259, 266-269, 271-274, 

A most interesting description of Cartier's adventures, including those 
here described, may be found in Parknian's "Pioneers of France in the 
New World," p. 81. Another account of the same events, illustrated 
by the maps of the period, will also be found in Kohl's valuable " History 
of the Discovery of the East Coast of North America" (Maine Historical 
Society, 2d series, vol. i ), p. 320. 



THE FRENCH IN CANADA. 



I. — Cartier's Visit to Bay of Chaleur. 

[Jacques Cartier was born in 1494, at St. Malo, a principal port of 
Brittany, France. He was bred to the sea ; and, having made fishing- 
voyages to the Grand Banks of Labrador, he desired to make an explora- 
tion farther west. For this purpose an expedition was fitted out by King 
Francis I. of France, as is described below.] 

THE first relation ^ of Jacques Cartier of St. Malo, 
of the new land called New France,- newly dis- 
covered in the year of our Lord 1534. ... 

After that, Sir Charles of Mouy, Knight, Lord of 
Meilleraie, and Vice-Admiral of France, had caused 
the captains, masters, and mariners of the ships to be 
sworn to behave themselves faithfully in the service of 
the most Christian King of France. Under the charge 
of the said Cartier, we departed from the Port of St. 

1 Description. 

2 In the map of Ortelius, published in 1572, the name of New France 
is applied to the whole of both North and South America. " The appli- 
cation of this name dates back to a period immediately after the voyage of 
Verrazzano ; and the Dutch voyagers are especially free in their use of it, 
out of spite to the Spaniards.'" — Parkman. 

99 



THE FRENCH IN CANADA. 



Malo with two ships of threescore tons' apiece burden, 
and sixty-one well-appointed men in each one. . . . 



[Cartier sailed first to Newfoundland, and then made further disco /- 
eries.l 



Upon Thursday, being the 8th of the month,^ be- 
cause the wind was not good to go out with our ships, 
we set our boats in a readiness to go and discover the 

said bay; and that day we 
went twenty-five leagues 
within it. The next day, 
the wind and weather being 
fair, we sailed until noon, in 
which time we had notice 
of a great part of said bay, 
and how that over the low 
lands, there were other lands 
with high mountains : but, 
seeing that there was no 

TACQUES CARTIER. .11 i 

passage at all, we began to 
turn back again, taking our way along the coast ; and, 
sailing, we saw certain wild men that stood upon the 
shore of a lake, that is among the low grounds, who 
were making fires and smoke. We went thither, and 
found that there was a channel of the sea that did 
enter into the lake ; and, setting our boats at one of the 
banks of the channel, the wild men with one of their 
boats came unto us, and brought up pieces of seals 
ready sodden,- putting them upon pieces of wood ; 
then retiring themselves, they would make signs unto 

1 July. -i Boiled. 




CARTIER S VISIT TO BAY OF CHALEUR. lOI 

US that they did give them us. We sent two men unto 
them with hatchets, knives, beads, and other such like 
ware, whereat they were very glad ; and by and by in 
clusters they came to the shore where we were, with 
their boats, bringing with them skins and other such 
things as they had, to have of our wares. 

They were more than three hundred men, women, 
and children. Some of the women which came not 
over we might see stand up to the knees in water, sing- 
ing and dancing. The other that had passed the river 
where we were came very friendly to us, rubbing our 
arms with their own hands ; then would they lift them 
up towards heaven, showing many signs of gladness. 
And in such wise were we assured one of another, that 
we very familiarly began to traffic for whatsoever they 
had, till they had nothing but their naked bodies, for 
they gave us all whatsoever they had ; and that was 
but of small value. We perceived that this people 
might very easily be converted to our religion. They 
go from place to place. They live only with fishing. 
They have an ordinary^ time to fish for their provision. 
The country is hotter than the country of Spain, and 
the fairest that can possibly be found, altogether smooth 
and level. There is no place, be it never so little, but 
it hath some trees, yea, albeit it be sandy ; or else is 
full of wild corn, that hath an ear like unto rye. The 
corn is like oats, and small peas as thick as if they 
had been sown and ploughed, white and red goose- 
berries, strawberries, blackberries, white and red roses, 
with many other flowers of very sweet and pleasant 
smell. There be also many goodly meadows full of 
i Regular. 



I02 THE FRENCH IN CANADA. 



grass, and lakes wherein great plenty of salmons be. 
They call a hatchet in their tongue, cochi ; and a knife 
bacofi : we named it the bay of heat^ 



II. — Cartier sets up a Cross. 

Upon the 24th of the month, ^ we caused a fair high 
cross to be made of the height of thirty feet, which 
was made in the presence of many of them, upon the 
point of the entrance of the said haven,^ in the midst 
whereof we hanged up a shield with three fleur-de- 
lis^ in it; and in the top was carved in the wood 
with antique letters this posy,^ Vive le Roi de France. 
Then before them all we set it upon the said point. 
They with great heed ^ beheld both the making and 
setting of it up. So soon as it was up, we all together 
kneeled down before them, with our hands toward 
heaven, yielding God thanks ; and we made signs 
unto them, showing them the heavens, and that all our 
salvation dependeth only on Him which in them dwell- 
eth : whereat they showed a great admiration, looking 
first one at another, and then upon the cross. And, 
after we were returned to our ships, their captain, clad 
with an old bear's-skin, with three of his sons and a 
brother of his with him, came unto us in one of their 
boats ; but they came not so near us as they were wont 
to do. There he made a long oration unto us, showing 
us the cross we had set up, and making a cross with 
his two fingers. Then did he show us all the country 

1 Chaleur^ signifying heat in French. 2 July, 1534. 

3 Gaspe Bay. * The arms of France. 5 Motto. 6 Attention. 



CARTIER SETS UP A CROSS. IO3 

about US, as if he would say that all was his, and that 
we should not set up any cross without his leave. 

His talk being ended, we showed him an axe, feign- 
ing that we would give it him for his skin, to which he 
listened, for by little and little he came near our ships. 
One of our fellows that was in our boat took hold on 
theirs, and suddenly leaped into it, with two or three 
more, who enforced them to enter into our ships, 
whereat they were greatly astonished. But our captain 
did straightway assure them that they should have no 
harm, nor any injury offered them at all, and enter- 
tained them very friendly, making them eat and drink. 
Then did we show them with signs, that the cross was 
only set up to be as a light and leader which ways to 
enter into the port,^ and that we would shortly come 
again, and bring good store of iron-wares and other 
things ; but that we would take two of his children 
with us, and afterward bring them to the said port 
again. And so we clothed two of them in shirts and 
colored coats, with red caps, and put about every one's 
neck a copper chain, whereat they were greatly con- 
tented.' Then gave they their old clothes to the fellows 
that went back again ; and we gave to each one of those 
three that went back, a hatchet and some knives, which 
made them very glad. After these were gone, and had 
told the news unto their fellows, in the afternoon there 
came to our ships six boats of them, with five or six 
men in every one, to take their farewells of those two 
we had detained to take with us, and brought them 

1 The object of the cross was to take possession of the country for the 
King of France; but Cartier did not hesitate to deceive the natives by 
saying that it was only for a beacon. 



I04 THE FRENCH IN CANADA. 

some fish, uttering many words which we did not under- 
stand, making signs that they would not remove the 
cross we had set up. 



III. CaRTIER ASCENDS THE St. LaWRENCE AS FAR 

AS Quebec 

[This took place on Cartier's second voyage. He sailed from St. Male, 
May 19, 1535, and reached the mouth of the St. Lawrence, which he 
ascended, hoping to find a passage to the west.] 

Our captain then caused our boats to be set in 
order, that with the next tide he might go up higher 
into the river to find some safe harbor for our ships ; 
and we passed up the river, against the stream, about 
ten leagues, coasting the said island, at the end where- 
of we found a goodly and pleasant sound, where is a 
little river and haven, where, by reason of the flood, 
there is about three fathoms water. This place seemed 
very fit and commodious to harbor our ships therein ; 
and so we did very safely. We named it the Holy 
Cross ;^ for on that day we came thither. Near unto 
it there is a village, whereof Donnacona is lord ; and 
there he keepeth his abode : it is called Stadacona,^ as 
goodly a plot of ground as possibly may be seen, and 
therewithal very fruitful, full of goodly trees even as in 
France, as oaks, elms, ashes, walnut trees, maple-trees, 
citrons, vines, and white-thorns, that bring forth fruit 
as big as any damsons, and many other sorts of trees, 

1 The St. Croix River, now called St. Charles. The first name was 
given because Cartier reached it on the festival of the Holy Cross. 
- Now Quebec. 



CARTIER ASCENDS THE ST. LAWRENCE. 105 

under which groweth as fair tall hemp as any in France, 
without any seed, or any man's work or labor at all. 
Having considered the place, and finding it fit for our 
purpose, our captain withdrew himself on purpose to 
return to our ships. But behold ! as we were coming 
out of the river, we met coming against us one of the 
lords of said village of Stadacona, accompanied with 
many others, as men, women, and children, who, after 
the fashion of their country, in sign of mirth and joy, 
began to make a long oration, the women still singing 
and dancing, up to the knees in water. Our captain, 
knowing their good-will and kindness toward us, caused 
the boat wherein they were to come unto him, and gave 
them certain trifles, as knives, and beads of glass, 
whereat they were marvellous glad ; for being gone 
about three leagues from them, for the pleasure they 
conceived of our coming, we might hear them sing, and 
see them dance, for all they were so far. . . . 

The next day, we departed with our ships, to bring 
them to the place of the Holy Cross ; and on the 14th 
of that month ^ we came thither; and the Lord Don- 
nacona, Taignoagny, and Domagaia,- with twenty-five 
boats full of those people, came to meet us, coming 
from the place whence we were come, and going toward 
Stadacona, where their abiding is. And all came to 
our ships, showing sundry and divers gestures of glad- 
ness and mirth, except those two that we had brought ; 
to wit, Taignoagny and Domagaia,- who seemed to 
have altered and changed their mind and purpose ; 

1 September. 

2 These were the two young Indians whom Cartier had carried off with 
him the year before. 



I06 THE FRENCH IN CANADA. 

for by no means they would come unto our ships, 
albeit sundry times they were earnestly desired to do 
it, whereupon we began to distrust somewhat. Our 
captain asked them, if, according to promise, they would 
go with him to Hochelaga.^ They answered yea, for so 
they had purposed ; and then each one withdrew him- 
self. The next day, being the 15th of the month, our 
captain went on shore, to cause certain poles and piles 
to be driven into the water, and set up, that the better 
and safelier we might harbor our vessels there. . . . 

The day following, we brought our two great ships 
within the river and harbor, where the waters, beins; 
at the highest, are three fathoms deep, and, at the 
lowest, but half a fathom. We left our pinnace- without 
the road, to the end we might bring it to Hochelaga. 
So soon as we had safely placed our ships, behold ! we 
saw Donnacona, Taignoagny, and Domagaia, with more 
than five hundred persons, men, women, and children ; 
and the said lord, with ten or twelve of the chiefest 
of the country, came aboard of our ships, who were all 
courteously received, and friendly entertained both of 
our captain and of us all; and divers gifts of small 
value were given them. 

Then did Taignoagny tell our captain that his lord 
did greatly sorrow that he would go to Hochelaga, and 
that he would not by any means permit that any of 
them should go with him, because the river was of no 
importance. Our captain answered him, that, for all 
his saying, he would not leave off his going thither, if, 
by any means, it were possible ; for that he was com- 
manded by his king to go as far as possibly he could ; 

1 This village was where Montreal now stands. 2 a small vessel. 



CARTIER ASCENDS THE ST. LAWRENCE. 107 

and that if he — that is to say, Taignoagny — would go 
with him, as he had promised, he should be very well 
entertained : beside that, he should have such a gift 
given him as he should well content himself ; for he 
should do nothing else but go with him to Hochelaga, 
and come again. To whom Taignoagny answered, that 
he would not by any means go ; and thereupon they 
suddenly returned to their houses. The next day, being 
the 17th of September, Donnacona and his company 
returned even as at the first. . . . 

After that, our captain caused the said children to be 
put in our ships, and caused two swords and copper 
basins — the one wrought, the other plain — to be 
brought unto him ; and them he gave to Donnacona, 
who was therewith greatly contented, yielding most 
hearty thanks unto our captain for them. And pres- 
ently, upon that, he commanded all his people to sing 
and dance, and desired our captain to cause a piece of 
artillery to be shot off, because Taignoagny and Doma- 
gaia made great brags of it, and had told them marvel- 
lous things, and also, because they had never heard nor 
seen any before. To whom our captain answered that 
he was content. And by and by he commanded his 
men to shoot off twelve cannons charged with bullets 
into the wood that was hard by those people and ships, 
at whose noise they were greatly astonished and amazed ; 
for they thought that heaven had fallen upon them, and 
put themselves to flight, howling and crying and shriek- 
ing^ ; so that it seemed hell was broken loose. 



io8 



THE FRENCH IN CANADA. 



IV. — How THE Indians tried to frighten 
Cartier. 

The next day, being the i8th of September, these 
men still endeavored themselves to seek all means pos- 
sible to hinder and let our going to Hochelaga, and 
devised a pretty guile,' as hereafter shall be showed. 




INDIANS TRYING TO FRIGHTEN CARTIEK. 



They went and dressed three men like devils, wrapped 
in dogs' skins, white and black, their faces besmeared 
as black as any coals, with horns on their heads more 
than a yard long, and caused them secretly to be put in 
one of their boats, but came not near our ships, as 

1 An ingenious trick. 



INDIANS TRYING TO FRIGHTEN CARTIER. 1 09 

they were wont to do. For they lay hidden within the 
wood for the space of two hours, looking for the tide, 
to the end the boat wherein the devils were might ap- 
proach and come near us, which, when [the] time was, 
came, and all the rest issued out of the wood coming 
to us, but yet not so near as they were wont to do. 
Then began Taignoagny to salute our captain, who 
asked him if he would have the boat to come for him. 
He answered, not for that time, but after a while he 
would come unto our ships. Then presently came that 
boat rushing out, wherein the three counterfeit devils 
were, with such long horns on their heads ; and the 
middlemost came, making a long oration, and passed 
along our ships without turning, or looking toward us, 
but, with the boat, went toward the land. Then did 
Donnacona with all his people pursue them, and lay 
hold on the boat and devils, who, so soon as the men 
were come to them, fell prostrate in the boat, even 
as if they had been dead. Then were they taken up, 
and carried into the wood, being but a stone's cast off. 
Then every one withdrew himself into the wood, not 
one staying behind with us, where being they began to 
make a long discourse, so loud, that we might hear 
them in our ships, which lasted about half an hour. 
And, being ended, we began to espy Taignoagny and 
Domagaia coming towards us, holding their hands up- 
ward, joined together, carrying their hats under their 
upper garment, showing a great admiration. And Taig- 
noagny, looking up to heaven, cried three times, ''Jesus, 
Jesus, Jesus ! " and Domagaia, doing as his fellow had 
done before, cried, "Jesus Maria, James Cartier." 

Our captain, hearing them, and seeing their gestures 



no THE FRENCH IN CANADA. 

and ceremonies, asked of them what they ailed, and 
what was happened or chanced anew. They answered, 
that there were very ill tidings befallen, saying in 
French, " Nejini est il boii ; " that is to say, it was not 
good. Our captain asked them again what it w^as. 
Then answered they, that their god Cudruaigny had 
spoken in Hochelaga ; and that he had sent those three 
men to show unto them that there was so much ice 
and snow in that country, that whosoever went thither 
should die ; which words when we heard, we laughed 
and mocked them, saying, that their god Cudruaigny 
w^as but a fool and a noddy ; for he knew not what he 
did or said. Then bade we them show his messengers 
from us, that Christ would defend them from all cold, 
if they would believe in him. Then did they ask of 
our captain if he had spoken with Jesus. He an- 
swered, No ; but that his priests had, and that he had 
told them he should have fair weather ; which words 
wdien they had heard, they thanked our captain, and 
departed toward the wood to tell those news unto their 
fellows, who suddenly came, all rushing out of the 
wood, seeming to be very glad for those words that our 
captain had spoken. And to show that thereby they 
had had and felt great joy, so soon as they were be- 
fore our ships, they all together gave out three great 
shrieks, and thereupon began to sing and dance as they 
were wont to do. But, for a resolution ^ of the matter, 
Taignoagny and Domagaia told our captain that their 
Lord Donnacona would by no means that any of them 
should go with him to Hochelaga, unless he would 
leave him some hostage to stay with him. Our captain 

1 Explanation. 



HOW CARTIER REACHED HOCHELAGA. Ill 

answered them, that, if they would not go with him with 
a good will, they should stay ; and that for all them he 
would not leave off his journey thither. 



V. — How Cartier reached Hochelaga, now 
Montreal, at last. 

So soon as we were come near to Hochelaga, there 
came to meet us about a thousand persons, men 
women, and children, who afterward did as friendly 
and merrily entertain and receive us as any father 
would do his child which he had not of long time seen, 
— the men dancing on one side, the women on 
another, and likewise the children on another. After 
that [they] brought us great store of fish, and of their 
bread made of millet, casting them into our boats so 
thick, that you would have thought it to fall from 
heaven ; which when our captain saw, he, with many 
of his company, went on shore. So soon as ever we 
were a-land,^ they came clustering about us, making 
very much of us, bringing their young children in 
their arms only to have our captain and his company 
to touch them, making signs and shows of great mirth 
and gladness, that lasted more than half an hour. 
Our captain, seeing their loving-kindness and enter- 
tainment of us, caused all the women orderly to be set 
in array, and gave them beads made of tin, and other 
such small trifles; and to some of the men he gave 
knives. Then he returned to the boats to supper ; and 
so passed that night, all which while all those people 

1 On land, as we say, "ashore." 



112 THE FRENCH IN CANADA. 

stood on the shore, as near our boats as they might, 
making great fires, and dancing very merrily, still cry- 
ing, ^'' Agiiiaze,^^ which in their tongue signifieth mirth 
and safety. 

Our captain, the next day, very early in the morning, 
having very gorgeously attired himself, caused all his 
company to be set in order to go to see the town and 
habitation of those people, and a certain mountain that 
is somewhat near the city ; with whom went also five 
gentlemen and twenty mariners, leaving the rest to 
keep and look to our boats. We took with us three 
men of Hochelaga to bring us to the place. All along, 
as we went, we found the way as well beaten and fre- 
quented as can be ; the fairest and best country that 
possibly can be seen, full of as goodly great oaks as are 
in any wood in France, under which the ground was all 
covered over with fair acorns. After we had gone about 
four or five miles, we met b}'- the way one of the chiefest 
lords of the city, accompanied \v\\\\ many more, who, 
so soon as he saw us, beckoned, and made signs upon 
us, that we must rest us in that place where they had 
made a great fire ; and so we did. After that we had 
rested ourselves there a while, the said lord began to 
make a long discourse, even as we have said above they 
are accustomed to do, in sign of mirth and friendship, 
showing our captain and all his company a joyful coun- 
tenance and good-will, who gave him two hatchets, a 
pair of knives, and a cross, which he made him to kiss, 
and then put it about his neck, for which he gave our 
captain hearty thanks. This done, we went along ; 
and, about a mile and a half farther, we began to find 
goodly and large fields, full of such corn as the country 



HOW CARTIER REACHED HOCHELAGA. II3 

yieldeth. It is even as the millet of Brazil, as great 
and somewhat bigger than small peas, wherewith they 
live even as we do with ours. 

In the midst of those fields is the city of Hochelaga, 
placed near, and as it were joined, to a great mountain, 
that is tilled round about very fertile, on the top of 
which you may see very far. We named it Mount 
Royal. ^ The city of Hochelaga is round, compassed 
about with timber, with three course of rampires,^ one 
within another, framed like a sharp spire, but laid across 
above. The middlemost of them is made and built as 
a direct line, but perpendicular. The rampires are 
framed and fashioned with pieces of timber, laid along 
on the ground, very well and cunningly joined together 
after their fashion. This enclosure is in height about two 
rods. It hath but one gate or entry thereat, which is shut 
with piles, stakes, and bars. Over it, and also in many 
places of the wall, there be places to run along, and lad- 
ders to get up, all full of stones for the defence of it. 

There are in the town about fifty houses about fifty 
paces long, and twelve or fifteen broad, built all of 
wood, covered over with the bark of the wood as broad 
as any boards, very finely and cunningly joined to- 
gether. Within the said houses there are many rooms, 
lodgings, and chambers. In the midst of every one 
there is a great court, in the middle whereof they make 
their fire. They live in common together : then do the 
husbands, wives, and children, each one retire them- 

1 Montreal. 

2 Ramparts or palisades : they were made of trunks of trees, the outer 
and inner row inclining toward each other till they met, and the third row 
standing upright between, to support them. 



114 THE FRENCH IN CANADA. 

selves to their chambers. They have also on the top 
of their houses certain garrets, wherein they keep their 
corn to make their bread withal. They call it carra- 
coJiny, which they make as hereafter shall follow. They 
have certain pieces of wood, made hollow like those 
whereon we beat our hemp ; and with certain beetles of 
wood they beat their corn to powder ; then they make 
paste of it, and of the paste, cakes or wreaths. Then 
they lay them on a broad and hot stone, and then cover 
it with hot stones ; and so they bake their bread, instead 
of ovens. 

VI. — The Festivities at Hochelaga. 

So soon as we were come near the town, a great 
number of the inhabitants thereof came to present 
themselves before us, after their fashion, making very 
much of us. We were by our guides brought into the 
midst of the town. They have in the middlemost part 
of their houses a large square place, being from side to 
side a good stone's-cast, whither we were brought, and 
there with signs were commanded to stay. Then sud- 
denly all the women and maidens of the town gathered 
themselves together, part of which had their arms full 
of young children ; and as many as could came to rub 
our faces, our arms, and what part of the body soever 
they could touch, weeping for very joy that they saw us, 
showing us the best countenance that possibly they 
could, desiring us with their signs that it would please 
us to touch their children. That done, the men caused 
the women to withdraw themselves back ; then they 
every one sat down on the ground round about us, as if 



THE FESTIVITIES AT HOCHELAGA. II5 

they would have shown and rehearsed some comedy or 
other show ; then presently came the women again, 
every one bringing a large square mat, in manner of 
carpets ; and, spreading abroad on the ground in that 
place, they caused us to sit upon them. 

That done, the lord and king of the country was 
brought upon nine or ten men's shoulders, — whom in 
their tongue they call Agouhanna, — sitting upon a great 
stag's skin ; and they laid him down upon the foresaid 
mats, near to the captain, every one beckoning unto us 
that he was their lord and king. This Agouhanna was 
a man about fifty years old : he was no whit better 
apparelled than any of the rest, only except he had a 
certain thing made of the skins of hedgehogs, like a 
red wreath ; and that was instead of his crown. He 
was full of the palsy ; and his members shrunk together. 
After he had with certain signs saluted our captain and 
all his company, and by manifest tokens bid all welcome, 
he showed his legs and arms to our captain, and with 
signs desired him to touch them ; and so he did, rub- 
ing them with his own hands. Then did Agouhanna 
take the wreath or crown he had about his head, and 
gave it unto our captain ; that done, they brought before 
him divers diseased men, — some blind, some cripple, 
some lame and impotent, and some so old that the hair 
of their eyelids came down, and covered their cheeks, 
— and laid them all along before our captain, to the end 
they might of him be touched ; for it seemed unto them 
that God was descended and come down from heaven 
to heal them. 

Our captain, seeing the misery and devotion of this 
poor people, recited the Gospel of St. John, that is to 



Il6 THE FRENCH IN CANADA. 

say, " In the beginning was the Word," touching every- 
one that were diseased, praying to God that it would 
please him to open the hearts of this poor people, and 
to make them know his holy word, and that they might 
receive baptism and Christendom. That done, he took 
a service-book in his hand, and with a loud voice read 
all the passion ^ of Christ, word by word, that all the 
standers-by might hear him ; all which while this poor 
people kept silence, and were marvellously attentive ; 
looking up to heaven, and imitating us in gestures. 
Then he caused the men all orderly to be set on one 
side, the women on another, and likewise the children 
on another : and to the chiefest of them he gave hatch- 
ets ; to the other, knives ; and to the women, beads, 
and such other small trifles. Then, where the children 
were, he cast rings, counters, and brooches made of 
tin, whereat they seemed to be very glad. That done, 
our captain commanded trumpets and other musical 
instruments to be sounded, which when they heard, 
they were very merry. 

Then we took our leave, and went to our boat. The 
women, seeing that, put themselves before, to stay us, 
and brought us out of their meats that they had made 
ready for us, as fish, pottage, beans, and such other 
things, thinking to make us eat and dine in that place. 
But, because the meats had no savor at all of salt, we 
liked them not, but thanked them, and with signs gave 
them to understand that we had no need to eat. When 
we were out of the town, divers of the men and women 
followed us, and brought us to the top of the foresaid 
mountain, which we named Mount Royal : it is about a 

1 Crucifixion. 



THE FESTIVITIES AT HOCHELAGA. II7 

league from the town. When as we were on the top of 
it, we might discern and plainly see thirty leagues about. 
On the north side of it there are many hills to be seen, 
running west and east, and as many more on the south, 
amongst and between the which the country is as fair 
and as pleasant as possibly can be seen ; being level, 
smooth, and very plain, fit to be husbanded and tilled. 
And in the midst of these fields we saw the river, farther 
up, a great way, than where we had left our boats, where 
was the greatest and the swiftest fall of water that any- 
where hath been seen, and as great, wide, and large as 
our sight might discern, going south-west along three 
fair and round mountains that we saw, as we judged, 
about fifteen leagues from us. 

Those which brought us thither told and showed us, 
that, in the said river, there were three such falls of 
water more, as that was where we had left our boats ; 
but, because we could not understand their language, we 
could not know how far they were one from another. 
Moreover, they showed us with signs, that, the said three 
falls being past, a man might sail the space of three 
months more alongst that river ; and that along the hills 
that are on the north side there is a great river, which — 
even as the other — cometh from the west : we thought 
it to be the river that runneth through the country of 
Saguenay. 

[Cartier afterwards returned to the harbor of the Holy Cross, where he 
and his men passed the winter of 1 535-36 with much suffering. They 
were the first Europeans to pass the winter in the northern part of North 
America. The French claim to the possession of tliis continent was 
founded on Cartier's discoveries. The expedition reached St. Malo, on 
its return, July 16, 1536.] 



BOOK VI. 

THE ADVENTURES OF DE SOTO. 

(AD. 1538-1542.) 



These extracts are taken from "The Worthy and Famous History of 
the Travels, Discovery, and Conquest of Terra Florida, accomplished and 
effected by that worthy General and Capta'n, Don Ferdinando de Soto, 
and six hundred Spaniards his followers." (Reprinted by Hakluyt Soci- 
ety, 1851.) Pages 9-16, 27-32, 89-92, 120-122, 125-127. This is a 
translation, made by Hakluyt in 1609, of a narrative by one of the com- 
panions of De Soto, first published in 1557. 



THE ADVENTURES OF DE SOTO. 



I. — How De Soto set Sail. 

CAPTAIN SOTO was the son of a squire of Xerez 
of Badajos. He went into the Spanish Indies when 
Peter Arias of Avila was governor of the West Indies. 
And there he was without 
any thing else of his own, 
save his sword and target. 
And, for his good qualities 
and valor, Peter Arias made 
him captain of a troop of 
horsemen ; and, by his com- 
mandment, he went with Fer- 
nando Pizarro to the con- 
quest of Peru, where (as 
many persons of credit re- 
ported, which were there pres- 
ent) ... he passed all other captains and principal 
persons. For which cause, besides his part of the 
treasure of Atabalipa, he had a good share ; whereby 
in time he gathered an hundred and fourscore ducats 




122 THE ADVENTURES OF DE SOTO. 

together, with that which fell to his part, which he 
brought into Spain. . . . The emperor made him the 
governor of the Isle of Cuba, and adelantado or presi- 
dent of Florida, with a title of marquis of certain part 
of the lands that he should conquer. . . . 

When Don Ferdinando had obtained the government, 
there came a gentleman from the Indies to the court, 
named Cabeza de Vaca, which had been with the gov- 
ernor Pamphilo de Narvaez, which died in Florida, — 
who reported that Narvaez was cast away at sea, with 
all the company that went with him, and how he with 
four more escaped, and arrived in New Spain ; and he 
brou2:ht a relation in writins: of that which he had seen 
in Florida, which said in some places, " In such a place 
I have seen this ; and the rest which here I saw, I 
leave to confer of between his Majesty and myself." . . . 
And he informed them, " that it was the richest 
country in the world." Don Ferdinand de Soto was 
very desirous to have him with him, and made him a 
favorable offer ; and after they were agreed, because 
Soto gave him not a sum of money which he de- 
manded to buy a ship, they broke off again. . . . 

The Portuguese departed from Elvas the 15th of Jan- 
uary, and came to Seville the 19th of the same month, 
and went to the lodging of the governor, and entered 
into a court, over the which there were certain galleries 
where he was, who came down, and received them at the 
stairs whereby they went up into the galleries. When 
he was come up, he commanded chairs to be given them 
to sit on. And Andrew de Vasconcelos told him who 
he and the other Portuguese were, and how they all 
were come to accompany him, and serve him in his 



HOW DE SOTO SET SAIL. 1 23 

voyage. He gave him thanks, and made show of great 
contentment for his coming and offer. And, the table 
being already laid, he invited them to dinner. And, 
being at dinner, he commanded his steward to seek a 
lodging for them near unto his own, where they might 
be lodged. The adelantado departed from Seville to 
Saint Lucar with all the people which were to go with 
him. And he commanded a muster to be made, at the 
which the Portuguese showed themselves armed in very 
bright armor, and the Castilians very gallant with silk 
upon silk, with many pinkings and cuts. The governor, 
because these braveries^ in such an action did not like ^ 
him, commanded that they should muster another day, 
and every one should come forth with his armor; at 
the which the Portuguese came, as at the first, with 
very good armor. The governor placed them in order 
near unto the standard which the ensign-bearer carried. 
The Castilians, for the most part, did wear very bad 
and rusty shirts of mail, and all of them head-pieces 
and steel caps, and very bad lances ; and some of them 
sought to come among the Portuguese. 

So those passed, and were counted and enrolled, 
which Soto liked and accepted of, and did accompany 
him into Florida, which were in all six hundred men. 
He had already bought seven ships, and had all neces- 
sary provision aboard them. He appointed captains, 
and delivered to every one his ship, and gave them in a 
roll what people every one should carry with them. . . . 

In the year of our Lord 1538, in the month of April, 
the adelantado delivered his ships to the captains 
which were to go in them ; and took for himself a new 
1 Fine clothes. 2 please. 



124 THE ADVENTURES OF DE SOTO. 

ship, and good of sail, and gave another to Andrew de 
Vasconcelos, in which the Portuguese went. He went 
over the bar of San Lucar on Sunday, being San Lazarus 
day, in the morning, of the month and year aforesaid, 
with great joy, commanding his trumpets to be sounded, 
and many shots of the ordnance to be discharged. 



II. — De Soto attacks the Indians, and finds a 
Fellow-Countryman. 

From the town of Ucita,' the governor sent the 
alcalde mayor, Baltasar de GalLegos, with forty horse- 
men and eighty footmen, into the country, to see if 
they could take any Indians ; and the captain, John 
Rodriguez Lobillo, another way, with fifty footmen. 
The most of them were swordmen and targetiers ; ^ and 
the rest were shot and crossbow men. They passed 
through a country full of bogs, where horses could not 
travel. Half a league from the camp, they lighted upon 
certain cabins of Indians near a river. The people 
that were in them leaped into the river ; yet they took 
four Indian women : and twenty Indians charged us, 
and so distressed us, that we were forced to retire to 
our camp, being, as they are, exceeding ready with their 
weapons. 

It is a people so warlike and so nimble, that they 
care not a whit for any footmen ; for, if their enemies 
charge them, they run away ; and, if they turn their 

1 Probably near the Hillsborough River in Florida. 

2 Men who carried swords and targets. Others carried matchlock 
guns (arquebjiises) or cross-bows. 



DE SOTO ATTACKS THE INDIANS. 



25 



backs, they are presently upon them ; and the thing 
they most flee is the shot of an arrow. They never 
stand still, but are always running and traversing ^ from 
one place to another, by reason whereof neither cross- 
bow nor arquebuse can aim at them : and, before one 
crossbow-man can make one shot, an Indian will 
discharge three or four arrows ; and he seldom misseth 
what he shooteth at. An arrow, where it findeth no 




LANDING OF DE GOTO. 



armor, pierceth as deeply as a crossbow. Their bows 
are very long ; and their arrows are made of certain 
canes like reeds, very heavy, and so strong, that a sharp 
cane passeth through a target. Some they arm in the 
point with a sharp bone of a lish like a chisel ; and in 

1 Crossing. 



126 THE ADVENTURES OF DE SOTO. 

Others they fasten certain stones Hke points of dia- 
monds. For the most part, when they hght upon an 
armor, they break in the place where they are bound 
together. Those of cane do spHt and pierce a coat of 
mail, and are more hurtful than the other. 

John Rodriguez Lobillo returned to the camp with 
six men wounded, whereof one died, and brought the 
four Indian women which Baltasar Gallegos had taken 
in the cabins or cottages. Two leagues from the town, 
coming into the plain field, he espied ten or eleven 
Indians, among whom was a Christian, which was naked 
and scorched with the sun, and had his arms razed, ^ 
after the manner of the Indians, and differed nothing 
at all from them. And, as soon as the horsemen saw 
them, they ran toward them. The Indians fled, and 
some of them hid themselves in a wood ; and they over- 
took two or three of them which were wounded. And 
the Christian, seeing an horseman run upon him with 
his lance, began to cry out, " Sirs, I am a Christian ! 
Slay me not, nor these Indians ; for they have saved my 
life." And straightway he called them, and put them 
out of fear; and they came forth of the wood unto 
them. The horsemen took both the Christian and the 
Indians up behind them, and toward night came into 
the camp with much joy ; which thing being known by 
the governor and them that remained in the camp, 
they were received with the like." 

1 Made smooth. 2 With the same joy. 



THE STORY OF JOHN ORTIZ. 127 



III. — The Story of John Ortiz. 

This Christian's name was John Ortiz ; and he was 
born in Seville in worshipful parentage.^ He was 
twelve years in the hands of the Indians. He came 
into this country with Pamphilo de Narvaez, and 
returned in the ships to the Island of Cuba, where the 
wufe of the governor, Pamphilo de Narvaez, was ; and 
by his commandment, with twenty or thirty in a brigan- 
tine, returned back again to Florida. And coming to 
the port in the sight of the town, on the shore they 
saw a cane sticking in the ground, and riven - at the top, 
and a letter in it. And they believed that the governor 
had left it there to give advertisement^ of himself when 
he resolved to go up into the land ; and they demanded 
it of four or five Indians which walked along the sea- 
shore ; and they bade them by signs to come on shore 
for it, which, against the will of the rest, John Ortiz 
and another did. 

And as soon as they were on land, from the houses 
of the town issued a great number of Indians, which 
compassed them about, and took them in a place where 
they could not flee ; and the other, which sought to 
defend himself, they presently killed upon the place, 
and took John Ortiz alive, and carried him to Ucita, 
their lord. And those of the brisfantine souirht not to 
land, but put themselves to sea, and returned to the 
Island of Cuba. Ucita commanded to bind John Ortiz 
hand and foot upon four stakes aloft upon a raft, and 
to make a fire under him, that there he might be 

1 Of a good family. '^ Split. ^ Information. 



128. THE ADVENTURES OF DE SOTO. 

burned. But a daughter of his desired him that he 
would not put him to death, alleging that one only 
Christian could do him neither hurt nor good, telling 
him that it was more for his honor to keep him as a 
captive. And Ucita granted her request, and com- 
manded him to be cured of his wounds; and, as soon 
as he was whole, he gave him the charge of the keep- 
ing of the temple, because that by night the wolves did 
carry away the dead bodies out of the same ; who 
commended himself to God, and took upon him the 
charge of his temple. 

One night the wolves got from him the body of a 
little child, the son of a principal Indian ; and, going 
after them, he threw a dart at one of the wolves, and 
struck him ^ that carried away the body, wdio, feeling 
himself wounded, left it, and fell down dead near the 
place ; and he, not wotting- what he had done, because 
it was night, went back again to the temple. The 
morning being come, and finding not the body of the 
child, he was very sad. As soon as Ucita knew thereof, 
he resolved to put him to death, and sent by the track 
which he said the wolves went, and found the body of 
the child, and the wolf dead a little beyond : whereat 
Ucita was much contented with the Christian, and with 
the watch which he kept in the temple, and from thence- 
forward esteemed him much. 

Three years after he fell into his hands, there came 
another lord, called Mococo, who dwelleth two days' 
journey from the port, and burned his town. Ucita 
fled to another town that he had in another seaport. 
Thus John Ortiz lost his office and favor that he had 

1 The wolf. 2 Knowing. 



THE STORY OF JOHN ORTIZ. 1 29 

with him. These people, being worshippers of the devil, 
are wont to offer up unto him the lives and blood of 
their Indians, or of any other people they can come 
by ; and they report, that, when he will have them do 
that sacrifice unto him, he speakelh with them, and 
telleth them that he is athirst, and willeth them to sac- 
rifice unto him. John Ortiz had notice by the damsel 
that had delivered him from the fire, how her father 
was determined to sacrifice him the day following, who 
willed him to flee to Mocogo, for she knew that he 
would use him well ; for she heard say that he had 
asked for him, and said he would be glad to see him. 
And, because he knew not the way, she went with him 
half a league out of the town by night, and set him in 
the way, and returned, because she would not be dis- 
covered. 

John Ortiz travelled all that night, and by the morn- 
ing came unto a river which is in the territory of 
M0C090 ; and there he saw two Indians fishing. And 
because they were in war with the people of Ucita, and 
their lano^uares were different, and he knew not the 
language of Mocogo, he was afraid — because he could 
not tell them who he was, nor how he came thither ; 
nor was able to answer any thing for himself — that 
they would kill him, taking him for one of the Indians 
of Ucita. And, before they espied him, he came to the 
place where they had laid their weapons ; and. as soon 
as they saw him, they fled toward the town ; and al- 
though he willed them to stay, because he meant to do 
them no hurt, yet they understood him not, and ran 
away as fast as ever they could. And as soon as they 
came to the town, with great outcries, many Indians 



130 THE ADVENTURES OF DE SOTU. 

came forth against him, and began to compass^ him to 
shoot at him. John Ortiz, seeing himself in so great 
clanger, shielded himself with certain trees, and began 
to shriek out, and cry very loud, and to tell them that 
he was a Christian, and that he was fied from Ucita, 
and was come to see and serve M0C090, his lord. 

It pleased God, that at that very instant there came 
thither an Indian that could speak the language, and 
understood him, and pacified the rest, who told them 
what he said. Then ran from thence three or four 
Indians to bear the news to their lord, who came forth 
a quarter of a league from the town to receive him, and 
w^as very glad of him. He caused him presently to 
swear, according to the custom of the Christians, that 
he would not run away from him to any other lord, and 
promised him to entreat - him very well, and that, if at 
any time there came any Christians into that country, 
he would freely let him go, and give him leave to go, to 
them ; and likewise took his oath to perform the same 
according to the Indian custom. About three years 
after, certain Indians which were fishing at sea, two 
leagues from the town, brought news to M0C090 that 
they had seen ships ; and he called John Ortiz, and 
gave him leave to go his way ; who, taking his leave of 
him, with all the haste he could, came to the sea ; and, 
finding no ships, he thought it to be some deceit, and 
that the cacique ^ had done the same to learn his mind : 
so he dwelt with Mococo nine years, with small hope of 
seeing any Christians. 

As soon as our governor arrived in Florida, it was 
known to Mococo ; and straightway he signified to John 

1 Sunoimd. 2 Treat. 3 Chief. 



DE SOTO DISCOVERS THE MISSISSIPPI. I31 

Ortiz that Christians were lodged in the town of Ucita. 
And he thought he had jested with him, as he had done 
before, and told him, that by this time he had forgot- 
ten the Christians, and thought of nothing else but to 
serve him. But he assured him that it was so, and 
gave him license to go unto them, saying unto him, 
that if he would not do it, and if the Christians should 
go their way, he should not blame him ; for he had ful- 
filled that which he had promised him. The joy of 
John Ortiz was so great, that he could not believe that 
it was true ; notwithstanding, he gave him thanks, and 
took his leave of him. And Mocogo gave him ten or 
eleven principal Indians to bear him company. And, as 
they went to the port where the governor was, they met 
with Baltasar de Gallegos, as I have declared before. 



IV. — De Soto discovers the Mississippi. 

The next day, when the governor expected the 
cacique, there came many Indians with their bows and 
arrows, with a purpose to set upon ^ the Christians. The 
governor had commanded all the horsemen to be armed 
and on horseback, and in a readiness. When the Indians 
saw that they were ready, they stayed a crossbow-shot 
from the place where the governor was, near a brook. 
And, after half an hour that they had stood there still, 
there came to the camp six principal Indians, and said 
they came to see what people they were ; and that long 
ago they had been informed by their forefathers that a 
white people should subdue them, and therefore they 

1 Attack. 



132 THE ADVENTURES OF DE SOTO. 

would return to their eacique, and bid him come pres- 
ently, to obey and serve the governor. And, after they 
had presented him with six or seven skins and mantles 
which they brought, they took their leave of him, and 
returned with the other, which waited for them by the 
brookside. The cacique never came again, nor sent 
other message. 

And, because in the town where the governor lodged 
there was small store of maize, he removed to another 
half a league from Rio Grande,^ where they found plenty 
of maize. And he went to see the river, and found 
that near unto it was great store of timber to make 
barges, and good situation of ground to encamp in. 
Presently he removed himself thither. They made 
houses, and pitched their camp in a plain field, a cross- 
bow-shot from the river. And thither was gathered all 
the maize of the towns which they had lately passed. 
They began presently to cut and hew down timber, and 
to saw planks for barges. The Indians came presently 
down the river : they leaped on shore, and declared to 
the governor that they were subjects of a great lord, 
whose name was Aquixo, who was lord of many towns, 
and governed many people on the other side of the 
river ; and came to tell him, on his behalf, that the next 
day he, with all his men, would come to see what it 
would please him to command him. 

The next day, with speed, the cacique came with two 
hundred canoes full of Indians, with their bows and 
arrows, painted, and with great plumes of white feath- 
ers, and many other colors, with shields in their hands, 
wherewith they defended the rowers on both sides ; and 

1 The Great River, or Mississippi. 



DE SOTO DISCOVERS THE MISSISSIPPI. 133 

the men-of-war stood from the head to the stern, with 
their bows and arrows in their hands. The canoe 
wherein the cacique was had a tilt ^ over the stern ; 
and he sat under the tilt : and so were other canoes of 
the principal Indians. And from under the tilt, where 
the chief man sat, he governed and commanded the 
other people. All joined together, and came within a 
stone's-cast of the shore. 

From thence the cacique said to the governor, which 
walked along the river's side with others that waited on 
him, that he was come thither to visit, to honor, and to 
obey him, because he knew he was the greatest and 
mightiest lord on the earth : therefore he would see 
what he would command him to do. The governor 
yielded him thanks, and requested him to come on 
shore, that they might the better communicate together. 
And, without any answer to that point, he sent him 
three canoes, wherein was great store of fish, and loaves 
made of the substance of prunes,'^ like unto bricks. 
After he had received all, he thanked him, and prayed 
him again to come on shore. And, because the cacique's 
purpose was to see if with dissimulation he might do 
some hurt, when they saw that the governor and his 
men were in readiness, they began to go from the shore ; 
and, with a great cry, the crossbow-men which were 
ready shot at them, and slew five or six of them. They 
retired with great order. None did leave his oar, though 
the next to him were slain ; and, shielding themselves, 
they went farther off. Afterward they came many times, 
and landed ; and, when any of us came toward them, 
they fled unto their canoes, which were pleasant to 

1 An awnin?. 2 Persimmons. 



134 I'HK ADVENTURES OF DE SOTO. 

behold, for they were very great, and well made, and 
had their awnings, plumes, shields, and flags ; and, with 
the multitude of people that were in them, they seemed 
to be a fair army of galleys. 

In thirty days' space, while the governor remained 
there, they made four barges, in three of which he com- 
manded twelve horsemen to enter (in each of them four), 
in a morning, three hours before day, — men which he 
trusted would land in despite of the Indians, and make 
sure the passage, or die ; and some footmen, being 
crossbow-men, went with them, and rowers to set them 
on the other side. And in the other barge he com- 
manded John de Guzman to pass with the footmen, 
which was made captain instead of Francisco Mal- 
donado. And, because the stream was swift, they went 
a quarter of a league up the river, along the bank, and, 
crossing over, fell down with the stream, and landed 
right over against the camps. 

Two stones'-cast before they came to land, the horse- 
men went out of the barges on horseback, to a sandy 
plot of very hard and clear ground, where all of them 
landed without any resistance. As soon as those that 
passed first were on land on the other side, the barges 
returned to the place where the governor was ; and, 
within two hours after sunrising, all the people were 
over.' The river was almost half a league broad. If 
a man stood still on the other side, it could not be dis- 
cerned whether he were a man or no. The river was 
of great depth, and of a strong current. The river was 
always muddy. There came down the river continually 
many trees and timber, which the force of the water and 

1 The place of crossing was probably near Helena, Arkansas. 



DE SOTO S ATTEMPTS TO REACH THE SEA. ' 135 

stream brought down. There was great store of fish in 
it, of sundry sorts, and the most of it differing from the 
fresh-water fish of Spain, as hereafter shall be shown. 



V. — De Soto's vain attempts to reach the Sea. 

That day came an Indian to the governor from the 
cacique of Guachoya, and said that his lord would come 
the next day. The next day they saw many canoes 
come up the river ; and on the other side of the great 
river they assembled together in the space of an hour. 
They consulted whether they should come or not ; and 
at length concluded to come, and crossed the river. In 
them came the cacique of Guachoya, and brought with 
him many Indians, with great store of fish, dogs, deer's 
skins, and mantles. And, as soon as they landed, they 
went to the lodging of the governor, and presented him 
their gifts. And the cacique uttered these words : — 

"Mighty and excellent lord, I beseech your lordship 
to pardon me the error which I committed in absenting 
myself, and not tarrying in this town to have received 
your lordship. . . . But I feared that which I needed 
not to have feared, and so did that which was not rea- 
son to do." . . . 

The governor received him with much joy, and gave 
him thanks for his present and offer. He asked him 
whether he had any notice of the sea. He answered, 
No, nor of any towns down the river on that side, save 
that two leagues from thence was one town of a princi- 
pal Indian, a subject of his ; and on the other side of 
the river, three days' journey from thence down the 



136 THE ADVENTURES OF DE SOTO. 

river, was the province of Quigalta, which was the 
greatest lord that was in that country. The governor 
thought that the cacique Hed unto him to rid ^ him out 
of his own towns, and sent John Danusco, with eight 
horsemen, down the river to see what habitation there 
was, and to inform himself if there were any notice of 
the sea. He travelled eight days ; and at his return he 
said, that, in all that time, he was not able to go above 
fourteen or fifteen leagues, because of the great creeks 
that came out of the river, and groves of canes and 
thick woods that were along the banks of the river, 
and that he had found no habitation. 

The governor fell into great dumps to see how hard 
it was to get to the sea, and worse because his men 
and horses every day diminished, being without succor 
to sustain themselves in the country ; and with that 
thought he fell sick. But, before he took his bed, he 
sent an Indian to the cacique of Quigalta, to tell him 
that he was the child of the sun ; and that, all the way 
that he came, all men obeyed and served him ; that he 
requested him to accept of his friendship, and come 
unto him, for he would be very glad to see him ; and, 
in sign of love and obedience, to bring something with 
him of that which in his country was most esteemed. 
The cacique answered by the same Indian, — 

" That whereas he said he was the child of the sun, 
if he vv^ould dry up the river, he would believe him. 
And touching the rest, that he was wont to visit none ; 
but, rather, that all those of whom he had notice did 
visit him, served, obeyed, and paid him tributes, either 
willingly or perforce : therefore, if he desired to see him, 

1 i.e., get rid of him. 



DE SOTO S ATTEMPTS TO REACH THE SEA. 137 

it were best that he should come thither; that, if he 
came in peace, he would receive him with special good- 
will ; and, if in war, in like manner he would attend 
him in the town where he was ; and that for him, or any 
other, he would not shrink one foot back." 

By that time the Indian returned with this answer, 
the governor had betaken himself to bed, being evil 
handled ^ with fevers, and was much aggrieved that he 
was not in case to pass presently the river, and to seek 
him, to see if he could abate that pride of his,- consid- 
ering the river went now very strongly in those parts ; 
for it was near half a league broad, and sixteen 
fathoms deep, and very furious, and ran with a great 
current ; and on both sides there were many Indians ; 
and his power ^ was not now so great, but that he had 
need to help himself rather by sleights than by force. 
The Indians of Guachoya came every day with fish in 
such numbers, that the town was full of them. The 
cacique said, that, on a certain night, he of Quigalta 
would come to give battle to the governor, which the 
governor imagined that he had devised to drive him 
out of his country, and commanded him to be put in 
hold ;^ and that night, and all the rest, there was good 
watch kept. He asked him wherefore 'Quigalta came 
not. He said that he came ; but that he saw him pre- 
pared, and therefore durst not give the attempt. And 
all night the horsemen went the round ; and two and 
two of every squadron rode about, and visited the 
scouts that were without the town in their standings 
by the passages, and the crossbow-men that kept the 
canoes in the rivers. 

1 Sorely troubled. - i.e., subdue the Indian chief, 

s Militarv forc-'. * Confinement. 



138 THE ADVENTURES OF DE SOTO. 



VI. — Death and Burial of De Soto. 

The next day, being the 21st of May, 1542, departed 
out of this Hfe the valorous, virtuous, and valiant cap- 
tain, Don Ferdinando de Soto, governor of Cuba, and 
adelajitado of Florida, whom fortune advanced, as it 
used to do others, that he might have the higher fall. 
He departed in such a place and at such a time, as 
[that] in his sickness he had but little comfort ; and the 
danger wherein all his people were of perishing in that 
country, which appeared before their eyes, was cause 
sufficient why every one of them had need of comfort, 
and why they did not visit nor accompany him as they 
ought to have done. Luys de Moscoso determined to 
conceal his death from the Indians, because Ferdi- 
nando de Soto had made them believe that the Chris- 
tians were immortal, and also because they took him to 
be hardy, wise, and valiant ; and, if they should know 
that he was dead, they would be bold to set upon * the 
Christians, though they lived peaceably by them. In 
regard to their disposition, and because they were 
nothing constant, and believed all that was told them, 
the adelaiitado made them believe that he knew some 
things that passed in secret amono^ themselves, without 
their knowledge how or in what manner he came by 
them ; and that the figure which appeared in a glass - 
which he showed them did tell him whatsoever they 
practised and went about ; and therefore neither in 
word nor deed durst they attempt any thing that might 
be prejudicial unto him. 

1 Attack. 2 ),e., their own reflection in a minor. 




O 



DEATH AND BURIAL OF DE SOTO. 139 

As soon as he was dead, Luys de Moscoso com- 
manded to put him secretly in a house, where he re- 
mained three days ; and, removing him from thence, 
commanded him to be buried in the night at one of 
the gates of the town within the wall. And as the 
Indians had seen him sick, and missed him, so did they 
suspect what might be. And passing by the place 
where he was buried, seeing the earth moved, they 
looked and spake one to another. Luys de Moscoso, 
understanding of it, commanded him to be taken up 
by night, and to cast a great deal of sand into the 
mantles wherein he was winded up, wherein he was 
carried in a canoe, and thrown into the midst of the 
river. 

The cacique of Guachoya inquired for him, demand- 
ing what was become of his brother and lord, the 
governor. Luys de Moscoso told him that he was gone 
to heaven, as many other times he did ; and, because 
he was to stay there certain days, he had left him in 
his place. The cacique thought with himself that he 
was dead, and commanded two young and well-propor- 
tioned Indians to be brought thither, and said that the 
use of that country was, when any lord died, to kill 
Indians to wait upon him, and serve him by the way; 
and for that purpose, by his commandment, were those 
come thither ; and prayed Luys de Moscoso to com- 
mand them to be beheaded, that they might attend and 
serve his lord and brother. Luys de Moscoso told 
him that the governor was not dead, but gone to 
heaven, and that of his own Christian soldiers he had 
taken such as he needed to serve him ; and prayed him 
to command those Indians to be loosed, and not to use 



14© THE ADVENTURES OF DE SOTO. 

any such bad custom from thenceforth. Straightway 
he commanded them to be loosed, and to get them 
home to their houses. And one of them would not go, 
saying that he would not serve him that without desert 
had judged him to death ; but that he would serve him, 
as long as he lived, which had saved his life. 

[After the death of De Soto, his companions descended the Missis- 
sippi to its mouth.] 



BOOK VII. 
THE FRENCH IN FLORIDA. 

(A.D. 1 562-1 565.) 




NDIANS IN CANOE. 



Ribaut's personal narrative is here reprinted from Hakluyt's "Divers 
Voyages" (London, Hakluyt Society, 1850), pp. 91-T15. 

These extracts from Laudonniere's narrative are reprinted from Hak- 
hiyt's translation in his " Voyages" (edition of iSio), vol. iii. pp. 371-373, 
378-384, 3S6, 3S7, 423-427. 

Parkman tells the story of these adventures in the first half of his 
" Pioneers of France in the New World." There is a memoir of Ribaut 
by Jared Sparks, in his " American Biography," vol. xvii. 



THE FRENCH IN FLORIDA. 



I. — Jean Ribaut in Florida. 

[" Dedicated to a great nobleman ^ of France, and translated into 
English by one Thomas Hackit."] 

WHEREAS, in the year of our Lord God 1562, 
it pleased God to move your Honor to choose 
and appoint us to discover and view a certain long 
coast of the West India, from the head of the land 
called La Florida, drawing toward the north part, unto 
the head of Britons," distant from the said head of 
La Florida nine hundred leagues, or thereabout, to the 
end we might certify you, and make true report of the 
temperature, fertility, ports, havens, rivers, and generally 
of all the commodities that be seen and found in that 
land, and also to learn what people were there dwell- 
ing. . . . 

Thursday, the last of April, at the break of the day, 
we discovered and clearly perceived a fair coast, 

1 Admiral De Coligny. 

2 i.e., Cape Breton. The whole coast was then thought a part of 
India. 

143 



144 THE FRENCH IN FLORIDA. 

Stretching of a great length, covered with an infinite 
number of high and fair trees ; we being not past seven 
or eight leagues from the shore. . . . 

Where finding thirty-six fathom water [we] entered 
into a goodly and great river/ which, as we went, found 
to increase still in depth and largeness, boiling and roar- 
ing through the multitude of all kind of fish. This 
being entered, we perceived a great number of the 
Indians, inhabitants there, coming along the sands and 
sea-banks, coming near unto us, without any taking of 
fear or doubt, showing unto us the easiest landing- 
place, and thereupon, we, giving them also on our 
parts, thanks of assurance and friendliness. Forthwith, 
one of appearance out of the best among them,^ brother 
unto one of their kings or governors, commanded one 
of the Indians to enter into the water, and to approach 
our boats, to show us the coast's landing-place. We, 
seeing this, without any more doubting or difficulty 
landed ; and the messenger, after we had rew^arded him 
with some looking-glass and other pretty things of small 
value, ran incontinently toward his lord, who forth- 
with sent me his girdle in token of assurance and 
friendship, which girdle was made of red leather, as 
well covered and colored as was possible. And, as I 
began to go toward him, he set forth and came and 
received me gently, and raised " after his manner, all his 
men following with great silence and modesty; yea, 
more than our men did. And after we had awhile with 
gentle usage congratulated with him, we fell to the 
ground a little way from them, to call upon the name 

1 Probably St. John's River, Florida. 
2 i.e., one of the best in appearance. " Saluted. 



JEAN RIBAUT IN FLORIDA. I45 

of God, and to beseech him to continue still his 
goodness towards us, and bring to the knowledge of 
our Saviour Christ this poor people. While we were 
thus praying, they — sitting upon the ground, which was 
strewed and dressed with bay-boughs — beheld and 
barkened unto us very attentively, without either speak- 
ing or moving ; and as I made a sign unto their king, 
lifting up mine arm, and stretching forth one finger, 
only to make them look up to heavenward, he likewise, 
lifting up his arm toward heaven, put forth two fingers, 
whereby it seemed that he made us to understand that 
they worshipped the sun and moon for gods ; as after- 
wards we understood it so. In the mean time their 
numbers increased ; and thither came the king's 
brother that was first with us, their mother, wives, 
sisters, and children ; and, being thus assembled, they 
caused a great number of bay-boughs to be cut, and 
therewith a place to be dressed for us, distant from 
theirs two fathom. For it is their manner to talk and 
bargain, sitting, and the chief of them to be apart from 
the meaner sort, with a show of great obedience to 
their kings, superiors, and elders. They be all naked, 
and of a goodly stature, mighty, and as well shapen 
and proportioned of body, as any people in the world, 
very gentle, courteous, and of a good nature. . . . 

After we had tarried in this north side of the river 
the most part of the day, — which river we have called 
May, for that we discovered the same the first day of 
the month, — we congratulated, made alliance, and 
entered into amity with them, and presented the king 
and his brethren with gowns of blue cloth garnished 
with yellow fleur-de-luces. And it seemed that they 



146 THE FRENCH IN FLORIDA. 

were sorry for our departure ; so that the most part of 
them entered into the water up to the neck, to set our 
boats afloat. . . . 

Soon after this came thither the king with his 
brethren, and others with bows and arrows in their 
hands, using therewithal a goodly and a grave fashion, 
with their behavior right soldierlike, and [of ] as warlike 
boldness as may be. They were naked and painted, as 
the other, their hair likewise long, and trussed up — with 
a lace made of herbs — to the top of their heads ; but 
they had neither their wives nor children in their 
company. After we had a good while lovingly enter- 
tained and presented them with like gifts of habersher ^ 
wares, cutting-hooks, and hatchets, and clothed the 
king and his brethren with like robes as we had given 
to them on the other side, we entered and viewed 
the country thereabouts, which is the fairest, fruit- 
fullest, and pleasantest of all the world, abounding in 
honey, venison, wild fowl, forests, woods of all sorts, 
palm-trees, cypress, and cedars, bays the highest and 
greatest, with also the fairest vines in all the world, 
with grapes according, which without natural art, and 
without man's help or trimming, will grow to tops of 
oaks and other trees that be of a wonderful greatness 
and height. And the sight of the fair meadows is a 
pleasure not able to be expressed with tongue ; full of 
herns, curlews, bitterns, mallards, egrets, woodcocks, and 
all other kind of small birds, with harts, hinds, bucks, wild 
swine, and all other kinds of wild beasts, as we perceived 
well, both by their footing there, and also afterwards, in 
other places, by their cry and roaring in the night. . . . 

1 Haberdashery, or small wares. 



JEAN RIBAUT IN FLORIDA. 147 

The next day, in the morning, we returned to land 
again, accompanied with the captains, gentlemen, and 
soldiers, and others of our small troop, carrying with 
us a pillar or column of hard stone, our king's arms 
granted therein, to plant and set the same in the en- 
trance of the port in some high place, where it might 
be easily seen. And, being come thither before the 
Indians were assembled, we espied, on the south side of 
the river, a place very fit for that purpose upon a little 
hill, compassed with cypress, bays, palms, and other trees, 
with sweet-smelling and pleasant shrubs, in the mid- 
dle whereof we planted the first bound ' or limit of his 
Majesty. . . . 

The 20th of May, we planted another column or 
pillar, graven with the king's arms, on the south side, in 
a high place at the entrance of a great river, which we 
called Libourne,^ where there is a lake of fresh water 
very good. . . . There we saw the fairest and the 
greatest vines with grapes according, and young trees 
and small woods, very well smelling, that ever were 
seen ; whereby it appeareth to be the pleasantest and 
most commodious dwelling of all the world. Where- 
fore, my lord, trusting you will not think it amiss, con- 
sidering the commodities that may be brought thence, 
if we leave a number of men there, which may fortify 
and provide themselves of things necessary ; for, in all 
new discoveries, it is the chiefest thing that may be 
done, at the beginning to fortify and people the coun- 
try. I had not so soon ^ set this forth to our company, 
but many of them offered to tarry there, yet with such 
a good-will and jolly courage, that such a number did 

1 Boundary stone. '^ Probably Skull Creek. 3 j.e, I had hardlj'. 



148 THE FRENCH IN FLORIDA. 

thus offer themselves, that we had much ado to stay 
their importunity. And namely of our shipmates and 
principal pilots, and such as we could not spare. How- 
beit, we left there but to the number of thirty in all, 
gentlemen, soldiers, and mariners, and that at their own 
suit and prayer, and of their own free wills, and by 
the advice and deliberation of the gentlemen sent on 
the behalf of the prince and yours. 

And have left unto the fore-head ^ and rulers, follow- 
ing therein your good-will, Capt. Albert de la Pierria, 
a soldier of long experience, and the first that from 
the beginning did offer to tarry. And further, by their 
advice, choice, and will, installed them in an island - 
on the north side, a place of strong situation and com- 
modious, upon a river which we named Chenonceau, 
and the habitation and fortress Charlesfort. The next 
day we determined to depart from this place, being as 
well contented as was possible that we had so happily 
ended our business, with good hope, if occasion would 
permit, to discover perfectly the River of Jordan. For 
this cause, we hoisted our sails about ten of the clock 
in the morning. After we were ready to depart, Capt. 
Ribaut commanded to shoot off our ordnance to give a 
farewell to our Frenchmen, which failed not to do the 
like on their part. This being done, we sailed toward 
the north ; and then we named this river Port Royal 
because of the largeness and excellent fairness of the 
same. 

[The remains of this fortress of Charlesfort are undoubtedly those 
still to be seen on "Old Fort Plantation," near Beaufort, S.C, at the 
junction of Beaufort River with Battery Creek. The compiler of this 

1 i.e., at the h2ad. - Port Royal Island. 



ALONE IN THE NEW WORLD. I49 

book was encamped on this plantation for several months during the civil 
war, and visited the fortifications very frequently. They are built of a kind 
of concrete made with oyster-shells, and called coqnma, this being the material 
also employed in Spanish buildings of the same period at St. Augustine. 
There is another similar fortification a little farther up Beaufort River.] 



II. — Alone in the New World. 

[The thirty Frenchmen left behind at Port Royal by Ribaut were 
probably the first Europeans who deliberately undertook to remain with- 
out ships upon the Atlantic shore of North America. Parkman says 
of them, "Albert and his companions might watch the receding ships. 
. . . They were alone in those fearful solitudes. From the north pole to 
Mexico there was no Christian denizen but they." — Pioneers of 
Fran'CE, p. 35. 

The following is from the narrative of their adventures written by 
Laudonniere, who afterwards came to search for them, but did not arrive 
till they had gone.] 

Our men, after our departure, never rested, but night 
and day did fortify themselves, being in good hope, that, 
after their fort v>^as finished, they would begin to dis- 
cover farther up within the river. It happened one day, 
as certain of them were in cutting of roots in the 
groves, that they espied, on the sudden, an Indian that 
hunted the deer, which, finding himself so near upon 
them, was much dismayed ; but our men began to draw 
near unto him, and to use him so courteously, that he 
became assured, and followed them to Charlesfort, 
where every man sought to do him pleasure. Capt. 
Albert was very joyful of his coming, which after he 
had given him a shirt, and some other trifles, he asked 
him of his dwelling. The Indian answered him, that it 
was farther up within the river, and that he was vassal 



150 THE FRENCH IN FLORIDA. 

of King Audusta : he also showed him with his hand 
the limits of his habitation. After much other talk, 
the Indian desired leave to depart, because it drew to- 
ward night, which Capt. Albert granted him very will- 
ingly. . . . 

[They aftenvard went to a feast among these Indians.] 

When the feast, therefore, was finished, our men re- 
turned unto Charlesfort, where having remained but 
a while, their victuals began to wax short, which forced 
them to have recourse unto their neighbors, and to 
pray them to succor them in their necessity, which 
gave them part of all the victuals which they had, and 
kept no more unto themselves than would serve to sow 
their fields. They told them further, that, for this 
cause, it was needful for them to retire themselves into 
the woods, to live of mast ^ and roots until the time of 
harvest, being as sorry as might be that they were not 
able further to aid them. They gave them, also, coun- 
sel to go towards the country of King Couexis, a man 
of might and renown in this province, which maketh 
his abode toward the South, abounding at all seasons, 
and replenished with such quantity of mill,^ corn, and 
beans, that by his only succor they might be able to 
live a very long time. But, before they should come 
into his territories, they were able to repair unto a king, 
called Ouade, the brother of Couexis, which in mill, 
beans, and corn, was no less wealthy, and withal ver}' 
liberal, and would be very joyful if he might but once 
see them. 

1 Acorns and other dried fruits. 

2 It is uncertain what kind of grain is here meant. 



ALONE IN THE NEW WORLD. 151 

Our men, perceiving the good relation which the 
Indians made them of those two kings, resolved to go 
thither ; for they felt already the necessity which op- 
pressed them. Therefore they made request unto King 
Maccou, that it would please him to give them one of 
his subjects to guide them the right way thither : where- 
upon he condescended very willingly, knowing, that, 
without his favor, they should have much ado to bring 
their enterprise to pass. . . . 

Behold, therefore, how our men behaved themselves 
very well hitherto, although they had endured many 
great mishaps. But misfortune, or, rather, the just 
judgment of God, would have it, that those which could 
not be overcome by fire nor water should be undone by 
their own selves. . . . 

They entered, therefore, into partialities and dissen- 
sions, which began about a soldier named Guernache, 
which was a drummer of the French bands, which, as 
it was told me, was very cruelly hanged by his own 
captain,^ and for a small fault ; which captain also 
.using to threaten the rest of his soldiers which staid 
behind under his obedience, and peradventure, as it is 
to be presumed, were not so obedient to him as they 
should have been, was the cause that they fell into a 
mutiny, because that many times he put his threatenings 
in execution, whereupon they so chased him, that at 
the last they put him to death. And the principal 
occasion that moved them thereunto was because he 
degraded another soldier named La Chere, which he 
had banished, and because he had not performed his 
promise ; for he had promised to send him victuals 

^ Captain Albert. 



152 THE FRENCH IN FLORIDA. 

from eight days to eight days/ which thing he did not, 
but said, on the contrary, that he would be glad to hear 
of his death. He said, moreover, that he would chas- 
tise others also, and used so evil sounding speeches, 
that honesty ^ forbiddeth me to repeat them. 

The soldiers, seeing his madness to increase from 
day to day, and fearing to fall into the dangers of the 
other, resolved to kill him. Having executed their pur- 
pose, they went to seek the soldier that was banished, 
which was in a small island distant from Charlesfort 
about three leagues, where they found him almost half 
dead for hunger. When they were come home again, 
they assembled themselves together to choose one to 
be governor over them, whose name was Nicolas Barre', 
a man worthy of commendation, and one which knew 
so well to quit himself of his charge, that all rancor 
and dissension ceased among them, and they lived 
peaceably one with another. 

During this time they began to build a small pinnace, 
with hope to return into France, if no succor came 
unto them, as they expected from day to day. An4 
though there were no man among them that had any 
skill, notwithstanding, necessity, which is the mistress 
of all sciences, taught them the way to build it. After 
that it was finished, they thought of nothing else, save 
how to furnish it with all things necessary to undertake 
the voyage. But they wanted those things that of all 
other were most needful, as cordage and sails, without 
which the enterprise could not come to effect. Having 
no means to recover these things, they were in worse 
case than at the first, and almost ready to fall into 

1 i.e., from week to week. 2 Propriety. 



ALONE IN THE NEW WORLD. 1 53 

despair ; but that good God, which never forsaketh the 
afflicted, did succor them in their necessity. 

As they were in these perplexities, King Audusta 
and Maccou came to them, accompanied with two hun- 
dred Indians, at the least, whom our Frenchmen went 
forth to meet withal, and showed the king in what need 
of cordage they stood ; who promised them to return 
within two days, and to bring so much as should suffice 
to furnish the pinnace with tackling. Our men, being 
pleased with these good news and promises, bestowed 
upon them certain cutting-hooks and shirts. After 
their departure, our men sought all means to recover 
resin in the woods, wherein they cut the pine-trees 
round about, out of which they drew sufficient reason- 
able quantity to bray ^ the vessel. Also they gathered 
a kind of moss which groweth on the trees of this 
country, to serve to calk the same withal. 

There now wanted nothing but sails, which they made 
of their own shirts and of their sheets. Within few 
days after, the Indian kings returned to Charlesfort 
with so good store of cordage, that there was found 
sufficient for tackling of the small pinnace. Our men, 
as glad as might be, used great liberality towards them, 
and, at their leaving of the country, left them all the 
merchandise that remained, leaving them thereby so 
fully satisfied, that they departed from them with all 
the contentation ^ of the world. They went forward, 
therefore, to finish the brigantine, and used so speedy 
diligence, that, within a short time afterward, they made 
it ready furnished with all things. In the mean season 
the wind came so fit for their purpose, that it seemed 

1 Tar. 2 Content. 



154 



THE FRENCH IN FLORIDA. 



to invite them to put to the sea ; which they did with- 
out delay, after they had set all their things in order. 

But, before they departed, they embarked their artil- 
lery, their forge, and other munitions of war which 
Capt. Ribaut had left them, and then as much mill as 
they could gather together. But being drunken with 
the too excessive joy which they had conceived for their 
returning into France, or, rather, deprived of all fore- 
sight and consideration, without regarding the incon- 
stancy of the winds, which change in a moment, they 
put themselves to sea, and with So slender victuals, that 
the end of their enterprise became unlucky and unfor- 
tunate. 

For, after they had sailed the third part of their 
way, they were surprised with calms, which did so m.uch 
hinder them, that in three weeks they sailed not above 
five and twenty leagues. During this time, their victuals 
consumed, and became so short, that every man was 
constrained to eat not past twelve grains of mill by 
the day, which may be in value as much as twelve 
peas. Yea, and this felicity lasted not long ; for 
their victuals failed them altogether at once, and they 
had nothing for their more assured refuge, but their 
shoes and leather jerkins, which they did eat. . . . 

Beside this extreme famine, which did so grievously 
oppress them, they fell every minute of an hour out of 
all hope ever to see France again, insomuch that they 
were constrained to cast the water continually out, that 
on all sides entered into their bark. And every day 
they fared worse and worse ; for, after they had eaten 
up their shoes and leather jerkins, there arose so bois- 
terous a wind, and so contrarv to their course, that, in 



ALONE IN THE NEW WORLD. 155 

the turning of a hand, the waves filled their vessel half 
full of water, and bruised it upon the one side. Being 
now more out of hope than ever to escape out of this 
extreme peril, they cared not for casting out of the 
water, which now was almost ready to drown them. 
And, as men resolved to die, every one fell down back- 
ward, and gave themselves over altogether unto the will 
of the waves. When as one of them, a little having 
taken heart unto him, declared unto them how little 
way they had to sail, assuring them, that, if the wind 
held, they should see land within three days, this 
man did so encourage them, that, after they had thrown 
the water out of the pinnace, they remained three days 
without eating or drinking, except it were of the sea- 
water. When the time of his promise was expired, they 
were more troubled than they were before, seeing they 
could not descry any land. , . . 

After so long and tedious travels, God, of his good- 
ness, using his accustomed favor, changed their sorrow 
into joy, and showed unto them the sight of land. 
Whereof they were so exceeding glad, that the pleasure 
caused them to remain a long time as men without 
sense ; whereby they let the pinnace float this and that 
way, without holding any right way or course. But a 
small English bark boarded the vessel, in the which 
there was a Frenchman which had been in the first 
voyage into Florida, who easily knew them, and spake 
unto them, and afterward gave them meat and drink. 
Incontinently they recovered their natural courages, and 
declared unto him at large all their navigation. The 
Englishmen consulted a long time what were best to 
be done ; and in fine they resolved to put on land those 



156 THE FRENCH IN FLORIDA. 

that were most feeble, and to carry the rest unto the 
Queen of England, which purposed at that time to send 
into Florida. 

[They final]y reached England, having doubtless made the first voyage 
across the Atlantic ever accomplished in an American-built vessel.] 



III. — Laudonniere's Search for the Colonists. 

[r.audonniere sailed with three ships, April 22, 1 564, on an expedition 
in search of the men whom Ribaut had left at Port Royal nearly two 
years before. He reachei the St. John's River a little more than two 
months later.] 

The second voyage into Florida, made and written 
by Capt. Laudonniere, which fortified and inhabited 
there two summers and one whole winter. . . . 

The next day, the 23d of this month,^ — because 
that toward the south I had not found any commodious 
place for us to inhabit, and to build a fort, — I gave 
commandment to weigh anchor, and to hoist our sails 
to sail toward the River of IMay,^ where we arrived two 
days after, and cast anchor. Afterward going on land 
with some number of gentlemen and soldiers, to know 
for a certainty the singularities of this place, we espied 
^^ paracoicssey"^ of the country, which came towards us, 
— this was the very same that we saw in the voyage of 
Capt. John Ribaut. Which, having espied us, cried 
very far off, ''^Antipo/a^ antipola!''' And, being so joyful 
that he could not contain himself, he came to meet us, 
accompanied with two of his sons, as fair and mighty 

1 June. 2 St. John's River. 3 Chief. 



LAUDONNlfeRE'S SEARCH FOR THE COLONISTS. 1 57 

persons as might be found in all the world, which had 
nothing in their mouths but this word, ^'' A?ni, ami;^^ 
that is to say, " Friend, friend ! " Yea ; and, knowing 
those which were there in the first voyage, they went 
principally to them to use this speech unto them. 
There was in their train a great number of men and 
women, which still made very much of us, and by 
evident signs made us understand how glad they were 
of our arrival. This good entertainment passed, the 
paracoussey prayed me to go see the pillar which we 
had erected in the voyage of John Ribaut — as we have 
declared heretofore — as a thing which they made great 
account of. 

Having yielded unto him, and being come to the 
place where it was set up, we found the same crowned 
with crowns of bay, and at the foot thereof many 
little baskets full of milV which they call in their 
language tapaga tapola. Then, when they came thither, 
they kissed the same with great reverence, and be- 
sought us to do the like, which we would not deny 
them, to the end we might draw them to be more in 
friendship with us. This done, the paracoussey took 
me by the hand, as if he had desire to make me under- 
stand some great secret, and by signs showed me very 
well up within the river the limits of his dominion, and 
said that he was called Paracoussey Satouriona, which 
is as much as King Satouriona. His children have the 
selfsame title of paracoussey. The eldest is named 
Athore, — a man, I dare say, perfect in wisdom, beauty, 
and honest sobriety ; showing by his modest gravity 
that he deserveth the name which he beareth, besides 

1 Grain of some kind. 



158 THE FRENCH IN FLORIDA. 

that he is gentle and tractable. After we had so- 
journed a certain space with them, the paracoussey 
prayed one of his sons to present unto me a wedge of 
silver, which he did, and that with a good will ; in 
recompense whereof I gave him a cutting-hook and 
some other better present, wherewith he seemed to be 
very well pleased. Afterward we took our leave of 
them, because the night approached, and then returned 
to lodge in our ships. 

Being allured with this good entertainment, I failed 
not the next day to embark myself again with my 
lieutenant, Ottigny, and a number of soldiers, to return 
toward the paracoussey of the River of May, which of 
purpose waited for us in the same place where, the day 
before, we conferred with him. We found him under 
the shadow of an arbor, accompanied with fourscore 
Indians at the least, and apparelled at that time after 
the Indian fashion ; to wit, with a great hart's skin 
dressed like chamois, and painted with devices of 
strange and divers colors, but of so lively a portraiture, 
and representing antiquity with rules so justly com- 
passed, that there is no painter so exquisite that could 
find fault therewith. The natural disposition of this 
strange people is so perfect and well guided, that, 
without any aid and favor of arts, they are able, by 
the help of Nature only, to content the artisans,^ yea, 
even of those which by their industry are able to aspire 
unto things most absolute. 

Then I advertised Paracoussey Satouriona that my 
desire was to discover farther up into the river, but 
that it should be with such diligence that I would come 

1 i.e., to satisfy skilful workmen. 



CAPTURE OF FORT CAROLINE BY SPANIARDS. 1 59 

again unto him very speedily ; wherewith he was content, 
promising to stay for me in the place where he was ; 
and, for an earnest of his promise, he offered me his 
goodly skin, which I refused then, and promised to 
receive it of him at my return. For my part, I gave 
him certain small trifles, to the intent to retain him in 
our friendship. 

IV. — The Capture of Fort Caroline by the 
Spaniards. 

[Laudonniere built a fort on the St. John's River, just above St. John's 
Bluff, and named it Fort Caroline, but partly destroyed it, meaning to 
build vessels with the materials. Don Pedro Menendez came to the 
Florida coast with a Spanish fleet, and founded the town of St. Augus- 
tine. Ribaut took most of Laudonniere's soldiers, with his ships, and 
went to attack the ships of Menendez. Meanwhile the Spaniards marched 
by land, five hundred in number, through swamps and across streams, 
guidsd by a French deserter, to attack the fort. Laudonniere thus 
describes what took place^after Ribaut's departure.] 

The very day that he departed, which was the loth 
of September,^ there rose so great a tempest, accompa- 
nied with such storms, that the Indians themselves 
assured me that it was the worst weather that ever was 
seen on the coast. Whereupon, two or three days 
after, fearing lest our ships might be in some distress, I 
sent for Monsieur Du Lys unto me, to take order to 
assemble the rest of our people to declare unto them 
what need we had to fortify ourselves ; which was done 
accordingly. And then I gave them to understand the 
necessity and inconvenience whereinto we were like 
to fall, as well by the absence of our ships, as by the 
1 1565. 



i6o 



THE FRENCH IN FLORIDA. 



nearness of the Spaniards, at whose hands we could 
look for no less than an open and sufficient proclaimed 
war, seeing they had taken land, and fortified them- 
selves so near unto us. And, if any misfortune were 
fallen unto our men which were at sea, we ought to 
make full account with ourselves that we were to 
endure many great miseries, being in so small number, 
and so many ways afflicted as we were. 




FORT CAROLINE. 



Thus every one promised me to take pains ; and 
therefore, considering that their proportion of victuals 
was small, and that, so continuing, they would not be 
able to do any great work, I augmented their allow- 
ance ; although that after the arrival of Captain Ri- 
baut my portion of victuals was allotted unto me as 
unto a common soldier, neither was I able to give so 
much as a part of a bottle of wine to any man which 
deserved it. For I was so far from having means to 
do so, that the captain himself took two of my boats 
wherein the rest of the meal was, which was left me 
of the biscuits which I caused to be made to return 



CAPTURE OF FORT CAROLINE BY SPANIARDS. l6l 

into France. So that, if I should say that I received 
more favor at the hands of the Englishmen^ being 
strangers unto me, I should say but a truth. We 
began, therefore, to fortify ourselves, and to repair that 
which was broken down, principally toward the water- 
side, where I caused threescore foot of trees to be 
planted, to repair the palisade with the planks which 
I caused to be taken of the ship which I had builded. 
Nevertheless, notwithstanding all our diligence and 
travail, we were never able fully to repair it, by reason 
of the storms, which commonly did us so great annoy, 
that we could not finish our enclosure. 

Perceiving myself in such extremity, I took a muster 
of the men which Captain Ribaut had left me, to see 
if there were any that wanted weapon. I found nine 
or ten of them, whereof not past two or three had 
ever drawn sword out of a scabbard, as I think. Let 
them which have been bold to say that I had men 
enough left me, so that I had means to defend myself, 
give ear a little now unto me, and, if they have eyes 
in their heads, let them see what men I had. Of the 
nine, there were four but young striplings, which served 
Captain Ribaut, and kept his dogs : the fifth was a 
cook. Among those that were without the fort, and 
which were of the foresaid company of Captain Ri- 
baut, there was a carpenter of threescore years old, 
one a beer-brewer, one old crossbow-maker, two shoe- 
makers, and four or five men that had their wives, a 
player on the virginals,- two servants of Monsieur Du 
Lys, one of Monsieur De Beauhaire, one of Monsieur 

1 Captain John Hawkins, who had lately suppHed the garrison with 
food. 2 A musical instrument. 



l62 THE FRENCH IN FLORIDA. 

De la Grange ; and about fourscore and five or six in 
all, counting as well lackeys as women and children. 

Behold the goodly troop so sufficient to defend them- 
selves, and so courageous as they have esteemed them 
to be ! And, for my part, I leave it to others' con- 
sideration to imagine whether Captain Ribaut would 
have left them with me to have borrowed my men, if 
they had been such. Those that were left me of mine 
own company were about sixteen or seventeen that 
could bear arms, and all of them poor and lean : the 
rest were sick and maimed in the conflict which my 
lieutenant had against Utina. 

This view being thus taken, we set our watches, 
whereof we made two sentinels, that the soldiers might 
have one night free. Then we bethought ourselves of 
those which might be most sufficient, among whom we 
chose two, one of whom was named Monsieur Saint 
Cler, and the other Monsieur De la Vigne, to whom we 
delivered candles and lanterns to go round about the 
fort to view the watch, because of the foul and foggy 
weather. I delivered them also a sand-glass or clock,i 
that the sentinels might not be troubled more one than 
another. In the mean while, I ceased not, for all the 
foul weather, nor my sickness which I had, to oversee 
the corps de gardep" 

The night between the 19th and 20th of September, 
La Vigne kept watch with his company, wherein he 
used all endeavor, although it rained without ceasing. 
When the day was therefore come, and that he saw 
that it rained still worse than it did before, he pitied the 
sentinels, so too [much] moyled ^ and wet. And, think- 

1 Hour-glass. 2 Guard. 3 Muddied. 



CAPTURE OF FORT CAROLINE BY SPANIARDS. 1 63 

ing the Spaniards would not have come in such a 
strange time, he let them depart, and, to say the truth, 
he himself went unto his lodging. 

In the mean while, one which had something to do 
without the fort, and my trumpet/ which went up unto 
the rampart, perceived a troop of Spaniards which 
came down from a little knappe,^ where incontinently 
they began to cry alarm, and the trumpeter also; which 
as soon as ever I understood, forthwith I issued out, 
with my target and sword in my hand, and gat me in 
the midst of the court, where I began to cry upon my 
soldiers. 

Some of them, which were of the forward sort, went 
toward the breach, which was on the south side, and 
where the munitions of the artillery lay, where they 
were repulsed and slain. By the selfsame place two 
ensigns ^ entered, which immediately were planted on 
the walls. Two other ensigns also entered on the 
other side toward the west, where there was another 
breach ; and those which were lodged in this quarter, 
and which showed themselves, were likewise defeated. 
As I went to succor them which were defending the 
breach on the south-west side, I encountered, by 
chance, a great company of Spaniards, which had 
already repulsed our men, and were now entered, 
which drove me back unto the court of the fort. Beinof 
there, I espied with them one called Francis Jean, 
which was one of the mariners which stole away my 
barks, and had guided and conducted the Spaniards 
thither. As soon as he saw me, he began to say, 
"This is the captain." 

1 Trumpeter. 2 Knob or hill. 3 Flags. 



164 



THE FRENCH IN FLORIDA. 



This troop was led by a captain, whose name, as I 
think, was Don Pedro Menendez. These made certain 
pushes at me with their pikes, which lighted on my 
target. But perceiving that I was not able to withstand 
so great a company, and that the court was already 
won, and their ensigns planted on the ramparts, and 
that I had never a man about me, saving one only, 
whose name was Bartholomew, I entered into the yard 
of my lodging, into which they 
followed me ; and, had it not 
been for a tent that was set up, 
I had been taken. But the 
Spaniards which followed me 
were occupied in cutting off 
the cords of the tent ; and, in 
the mean while, I saved my- 
self by the breach which was 
on the west side, near unto 
my lieutenant's lodging, and 
got away into the woods, where 
I found certain of my men which had escaped, of which 
number there were three or four which were sore hurt. 

Then spake I thus unto them, " Sirs, since it hath 
pleased God that this mischance is happened unto us, 
we must needs take the pains to get over the marshes 
unto the ships, which are at the mouth of the river." 
Some would needs go to a little village which was in 
the woods : the rest followed me through the reeds in 
the water ; where, being able to go no farther, by reason 
of my sickness which I had, I sent two of my men 
which were with me, which could swim well, unto the 
ships, to advertise them of that which had happened. 




MENENDEZ. 



CAPTURE OF FORT CAROLINE BY SPANIARDS. 1 65 

and to send them word to come and help me. They 
were not able that day to get unto the ships to certify 
them thereof : so I was constrained to stand in the 
water up to my shoulders all that night long, with one 
of my men which would never forsake me. 

The next day morning, being scarcely able to draw 
my breath any more, I betook me to my prayers, with 
the soldier which was with me, whose name was John 
du Chemin ; for I felt myself so feeble, that I was 
afraid I should die suddenly. And in truth, if he had 
not embraced me in both his arms, and so held me up, 
it had not been possible to save me. After we had 
made an end of our prayers, I heard a voice, which, in 
my judgment, was one of theirs which I had sent, 
which were over against the ships, and called for the 
ship-boat ; which was so indeed. And because those of 
the ships had understanding of the taking of the fort 
by one called John de Hais, master carpenter, which 
fled unto them in a shallop, they had set sail to run 
along the coast, to see if they might save any : wherein, 
doubtless, they did very well their endeavor. They 
went straight to the place where the two men were 
which I had sent, and which called them. 

As soon as they had received them in, and under- 
stood where I was, they came and found me in a pitiful 
case. Five or six of them took me, and carried me 
into the shallop ; for I was not able by any means to 
go on foot. After I was brought into the shallop, some 
of the mariners took their clothes from their backs to 
lend them me, and would have carried me presently to 
their ships to give me a little aqua vitae} Howbeit I 

1 Brandv. 



l66 THE FRENCH IN FLORIDA. 

would not go thither until I had first gone with the 
boat along the reeds to seek out the poor souls which 
were scattered abroad, where we gathered up eighteen 
or twenty of them. The last that I took in was the 
nephew of the treasurer, Le Beau. After we were all 
come to the ships, I comforted them as well as I could, 
and sent back the boat again with speed, to see if they 
could find yet any more. 

For mine own part, I will not accuse nor excuse any : 
it sufficeth me to have followed the truth of the history, 
whereof many are able to bear witness which were there 
present. I will plainly say one thing, that the long 
delay that Captain John Ribaut used in his embarking, 
and the fifteen days that he spent in roving along the 
coast of Florida before he came to our Fort Caroline, 
were the cause of the loss that we sustained. For he 
discerned the coast the 15th of August, and spent the 
time in going from river to river, which had been suf- 
ficient for him to have discharged his ships in, and for 
me to have embarked myself, to return into France. . . . 

He was no sooner departed from us than a tempest 
took him, which, in fine, wrecked him upon the coast, 
where all his ships were cast away, and he with much 
ado escaped drowning, to fall into their hands, which 
cruelly massacred him and all his company. 

[The fate of Ribaut at the hands of Menendez, and the terrible 
vengeance taken on the Spaniards by another Frenchman, Dominic de 
Goingues, may be found described in Parknian's interesting book, 
" Pioneers of France in the New World."! 



BOOK VIII. 

SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT. 

(A.D. 1583.) 



Eastward from Campobello 

Sir Humphrey Gilbert sailed: 
Three days or more seaward he bore, 

Then, alas ! the land-wind failed. 

Alas ! the land-wind failed, 

And ice-cold grew the night ; 
And nevermore, on sea or shore. 

Should Sir Humphrey see the light. 

He sat upon the deck. 

The Book was in his hand : 
" Do not fear ! Heaven is as near," 

He said, " by water as by land ! " 

In the first watch of the night, 

Without a signal's sound. 
Out of the sea, mysteriously. 

The fleet of Death rose all around. 

The moon and the evening star 

Were hanging in the shrouds ; 
Every mast, as it passed. 

Seemed to rake the passing clouds. 

They grappled with their prize, 

At midnight black and cold : 
As of a rock was the shock ; 

Heavily the ground-swell rolled. 

Longfellow. 



SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT. 



The Death of Sir Humphrey Gilbert. 

[Sir Humphrey Gilbert sailed from England for Newfoundland with a 
fleet of five vessels. The largest of these (two hundred tons), fitted out 
by Sir Walter Raleigh, soon returned to England ; the next in size was 
lost ; and the three others were the " Golden Hind," forty tons ; the 
"Swallow," of the same size; and the "Squirrel," of only ten tons, — 
merely a sail-boat. The loss of their largest vessel, or "admiral," dis- 
couraged the crews very much ; and they finally insisted on returning, as 
appears in the narrative which follows. The original account is in Hak- 
luyt's Voyages (edition of 1810), vol. iii. p. 199.] 

OUR people lost courage daily after this ill-success, 
the weather continuing thick and blustering, with 
increase of cold, winter drawing on, which took from 
them all hope of amendment, settling an assurance of 
worse weather to grow upon us every day. The lee-side ^ 
of us lay full of flats and dangers inevitable, if the wind 
blew hard at south. Some, again, doubted- we were 
ingulfed in the Bay of St. Lawrence, the coast full of 
dangers, and unto us unknown. But, above all, pro- 
vision waxed scant, and hope of supply was gone with 
loss of our admiral.^ 

1 i.e., the north side, if the wind was south. 

2 Suspected. s The " Delight," the flag-ship. 

169 



170 SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT. 

Those in the frigate ^ were already pinched with spare 
allowance, and want of clothes chiefly. Whereupon they 
besought the general - to return for England before they 
all perished. And to them of the " Golden Hind " 
they made signs of their distress, pointing to their 
mouths, and to their clothes thin and ragged. Then 
immediately they also of the "Golden Hind " grew to 
be of the same opinion, and desire to return home. 

The former reasons having also moved the general 
to have compassion of his poor men, in whom he saw no 
want of good-will, but of means fit to perform the action 
they came for, [he] resolved upon retire ; ^ and, calling 
the captain and master of the " Hind," he yielded them 
many reasons enforcing this unexpected return, withal 
protesting himself greatly satisfied with that he had 
seen and knew already. 

Reiterating these words, " Be content : we have seen 
enough, and take no care of expense past. I will set 
you forth royally the next spring, if God send us safe 
home. Therefore, I pray you, let us no longer strive 
here, where we fight against the elements." . . . 

How unwillingly the captain and master of the 
" Hind " conceded to this motion, his own company 
can testify ; yet comforted with the general's promise 
of a speedy return at spring, and induced by other 
apparent reasons proving an impossibility to accom- 
plish the action at that time, it was concluded on all 
hands to retire. 

1 The ''Squirrel." The name "frigate" was first given to a kind of 
boat still used in the Mediterranean, propelled by both sails and oars. It 
was afterwards given to a war vessel, built also for speed. 

- Sir Humphrey Gilbert. 3 i.e., to retire. 



DEATH OF SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT. 17 1 

So, upon Saturday, in the afternoon, the 31st of 
August, we changed our course, and returned back for 
England, at which very instant, even in winding about, 
there passed along between us and the land which we 
now forsook, a very lion, to our seeming, in shape, hair, 
and color ; not swimming after the manner of a beast, 
by moving of his feet, but rather sliding upon the water 
with his whole body — not excepting the legs — in sight ; 
neither yet diving under, and again rising above the 
water, as the manner is of whales, dolphins, tunnies, 
porpoises, and all other fish, but confidently showing 
himself above water without hiding, notwithstanding 
we presented ourselves in open view and gestures to 
amaze him, as all creatures will be commonly at a 
sudden gaze and sight of men. Thus he passed along, 
turning his head to and fro, yawning and gaping wide, 
with ugly demonstration of long teeth and glaring eyes ; 
and to bid us a farewell, coming right against the 
" Hind," he sent forth a horrible voice, roaring or bel- 
lowing as doth a lion ; which spectacle we all beheld so 
far as we were able to discern the same, as men prone 
to wonder at every strange thing, as this doubtless was, 
to see a lion in the ocean sea, or fish in the shape of a 
lion. What opinion others had thereof, and chiefly the 
general himself, I forbear to deliver j but he took it for 
boniun ouien^ rejoicing that he was to war against such 
an enemy, if it were the devil. . . . 

Leaving the issue of this good hope unto God, who 

knoweth the truth only, and can at his good pleasure 

bring the same to light, I will hasten to the end of this 

tragedy, which must be knit up in the person of our 

1 A good omen. This was probably a large seal, or sea-lion. 



172 SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT. 

general. And as it was God's ordinance upon him, even 
so the vehement persuasion and entreaty of his friends 
could nothing avail to divert him from a wilful resolu- 
tion of going through in his frigate, which was over- 
charged upon the decks with fights,^ nettings, and small 
artillery, too cumbersome for so small a boat that was 
to pass through the ocean sea at that season of the 
year, when by course we might expect much storm of 
foul weather, whereof indeed we had enough. 

But when he was entreated by the captain, master, 
and other his well-willers of the " Hind," not to venture 
in the frigate, this was his answer : " I will not forsake 
my little company going homeward, with whom I have 
passed so many storms and perils." And in very truth 
he was urged to be so over hard by hard reports given 
of him that he was afraid of the sea ; albeit this was 
rather rashness, than advised resolution, to prefer the 
wind of a vain report to the weight of his own life. 
Seeing he would not bend to reason, he had provision 
out of the " Hind " such as was wanting aboard his 
frigate. And so we committed him to God's protection 
to set him aboard his pinnace ; we being more than 
three hundred leagues onward of our way home. 

By that time, we had brought the islands of Azores 
south of us, yet we then keeping much to the north 
until we had got into the height and elevation of Eng- 
land, met with very foul weather, and terrible seas, 
breaking short and high, pyramid-wise. The reason 
whereof seemed to proceed either of hilly grounds, high 
and low, within the sea, — as we see hills and dales upon 
the land, — upon which the seas do mount and fall ; or 

1 Warlike preparations. 



DEATH OF SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT. 173 

else the cause proceedeth of diversity of winds, shift- 
ing often in sundry points : all which having power 
together to move the great ocean, which again is not 
presently settled, so many seas do encounter together 
as there had been diversity of winds. Howsoever it 
cometh to pass, men which all their lifetime had occu- 
pied the sea never saw more outrageous seas. We had 
also upon our mainyard an apparition of a little fire by 
night, which seamen do call Castor and Pollux ; ' but we 
had only one, which they take an evil sign of more 
tempest : the same is usual in storms. 

Monday, the 9th of September, in the afternoon, the 
frigate was near cast away, oppressed by waves ; yet at 
that time recovered, and giving forth signs of joy, the 
general, sitting abaft, with a book in his hand, cried out 
to us in the " Hind," — so oft as we did approach within 
hearing, — " We are as near to heaven by sea as by 
land," reiterating the same speech, well beseeming a 
soldier resolute in Jesus Christ, as I can testify he was. 

The same Monday night, about twelve of the clock, 
or not long after, the frigate being ahead of us in the 
"Golden Hind," suddenly her lights were out, whereof, 
as it were in a moment, we lost the sight ; and withal 
our watch cried [that] the general was cast away, which 
was too true ; for in that moment the frigate was de- 
voured and swallowed up of the sea. . . . 

Thus have I delivered the contents of the enterprise 
and last action of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Knight, faith- 
fully, for so much as I thought meet to be published ; 
wherein may always appear, though he be extin- 
guished, some sparks of his virtue ; he remaining firm 

1 This electric light is often called " St. Elmo's fire." 



174 SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT. 

and resolute in a purpose, by all pretence honest and 
godly as was this, to discover, possess, and to reduce 
unto the service of God and Christian piety, those 
remote and heathen countries of America not actually 
possessed by Christians, and most rightly appertaining 
unto the crown of England. 



BOOK IX. 

THE LOST COLONIES OF VIRGINIA. 

(A.D. 1 584-1 590.) 



These extracts from the early Virginia narratives may be found in Hak- 
luyt's Voyages (ed. 1810), voh iii. pp. 301-305, 323, 340-346, 354-355- 



THE LOST COLONIES OF VIRGINIA. 



I. — The First Voyage to Virginia. 

THE first voyage made to the coasts of America, 
with two barks, wherein were Captains M. Philip 
Amadas and M. Arthur Barlowe, who discovered part 
of the country now called Virginia, Anno 1584. Writ- 
ten by one of the said captains, and sent to Sir Walter 
Raleigh Knight, at whose charge and direction the said 
voyage was set forth. 

The twenty-seventh day of April, in the year of our 
redemption,^ 1584, we departed [from] the west of 
England, with two barks well furnished with men and 
victuals, having received our last and perfect directions 
by your letters, confirming the former instructions and 
commandments, delivered by yourself at our leaving the 
River of Thames. . . . 

The 2d of July we found shoal water, where we 
smelt so sweet and so strong a smell, as if we had been 
in the midst of some delicate garden abounding with 
all kind of odoriferous flowers, by which we were 
assured that the land could not be far distant. And 



1 Anno D( m'ni. 

-177 



lyS THE LOST COLONIES OF VIRGINIA. 

keeping good watch, and bearing but slack sail, the 
4th of the same month we arrived upon the coast, 
which we supposed to be a continent and firm land ; 
and we sailed along the same a hundred and twenty 
English miles before we could find any entrance or river 
issuing into the sea. The first that appeared unto us, 
we entered, though not without some difficulty, and 
cast anchor about three arquebuse-shot within the 
haven's mouth on the left-hand of the same. And, 
after thanks given to God for our safe arrival thither, 
we manned our boats, and went to view the land next 
adjoining, and " to take possession of the same in the 
right of the Queen's most excellent Majesty, as rightful 
queen and princess of the same," and after ^ delivered 
the same over to your use, according to her Majesty's 
grant, and letters-patent, under her Highness' great 
seal. . . . 

We passed from the seaside towards the tops of those 
hills next adjoining, being but of mean height ; and 
from thence we beheld the sea on both sides to the 
north, and to the south, finding no end any of both 
ways. This land lay stretching itself to the west, 
which after we found to be but an island of twenty 
miles long, and not about six miles broad. ^ Under the 
bank or hill whereon we stood, we beheld the valleys 
replenished with goodly cedar-trees ; and, having dis- 
charged our arquebuse-shot, such a flock of cranes — 
the most part white — arose under us, with such a cry, 
redoubled by many echoes, as if an army of men had 
shouted all together. 

1 Afterwards. 

'^ This was one of the islands on the North Carolina coast, probably 
Portsmouth Island. 



THE FIRST VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA. 179 

/ We remained by the side of this island two whole 
days before we saw any people of the country. The 
third day we espied one small boat rowing towards us, 
having in it three persons. This boat came to the 
island side, four arquebuse-shot from our ships ; and 
there, two of the people remaining, the third came along 
the shore-side toward us ; and we, being then all within 
board,^ he walked up and down upon the point of land 
next unto us. Then the master and pilot of the ad- 
miral,^ Simon Ferdinando, and the captain, Philip 
Amadas, myself, and others, rowed to the land, whose 
coming this fellow attended, never making any show of 
fear or doubt. And, after he had spoken of many 
things not understood by us, we brought him, with his 
own good liking, aboard the ships, and gave him a shirt, 
a hat, and some other things, and made him taste of \ 
our wine and our meat, which he liked very well ; and, 
after having viewed both barks, he departed, and went 
to his own boat again, which he had left in a little 
cove or creek adjoining. Soon as he was two bow-shot 
into the water, he fell to fishing ; and in less than half 
an hour he had laden his boat as deep as it could swim, 
with which he came again to the point of the land ; and 
there he divided his fish into two parts, pointing^ one 
part to the ship, and the other to the pinnace ; which 
after he had, as much as he might, requited the former 
benefits received, departed out of our sight. 

The next day, there came unto us divers boats, and 
in one of them the king's brother, accompanied with 
forty or fifty men, very handsome and goodly people, 
and in their behavior as mannerly and civil as any of 

1 On brard. 2 Flaj-ship. 3 Appointing, or assigning. 



V 



l8o THE LOST COLONIES OF VIRGINIA. 

Europe. His name was Granganimeo, and the king is 
called Wingina ; the country, Wingandacoa ; and now, 
by her Majesty, Virginia. The manner of his coming 
was in this sort : he left his boats all together, as the 
first man did, a little from the ships by the shore, and 
came along to the place over against the ships, followed 
with forty men. When he came to the place, his ser- 
vants spread a long mat upon the ground, on which he 
sat down ; and at the other end of the mat four others 
of his company did the like : the rest of his men stood 
round about him somewhat afar off. When we came 
to the shore to him with our weapons, he never moved 
from his place, nor any of the other four, nor never 
mistrusted any harm to be offered from us ; but, sitting 
still, he beckoned us to come and sit by him, which we 
performed ; and, being set, he made all signs of joy 
and welcome, striking on his head and his breast, and 
afterwards on ours, to show we all were one, smiling 
and making show, the best he could, of all love and 
familiarity. After he had made a long speech unto us, 
we presented him with divers things, which he received 
very joyfully and thankfully. None of the company 
durst speak one word all the time : only the four which 
were at the other end spoke one in the other's ear very 
softly. 

A day or two after this, we fell to trading with them, 
exchanging some things that we had for chamois, 
buff, and deer skins. When we showed him ^ all our 
packet of merchandise, of all things that he saw, a 
bright tin dish most pleased him, which he presently 
took up, and clapped it before his breast, and, after, 

1 The king. 



THE FIRST VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA. l8l 

made a hole in the brim thereof, and hung it about his 
neck, making signs that it would defend him against 
his enemies' arrows ; for these people maintain a 
deadly and terrible war with the people and king 
adjoining. We exchanged our tin dish for twenty 
skins, worth twenty crowns, or twenty nobles ; and a 
copper kettle for fifty skins, worth fifty crowns. They 
offered us good exchange for our hatchets and axes 
and for knives, and would have given any thing for 
swords ; but we would not depart ^ with any. 

After two or three days, the king's brother came 
aboard the ships, and drank wine, and ate of our meat 
and our bread, and liked exceedingly thereof ; and, 
after a few days overpassed, he brought his wife with 
him to the ships, his daughter, and two or three chil- 
dren. His wife was very well favored, of mean stature, 
and very bashful. She had on her back a long cloak of 
leather, with the fur side next to her body, and before 
her a piece of the same ; about her forehead she had a 
band of white coral, and so had her husband many 
times ; in her ears she had bracelets of pearl hanging 
down to her middle, — whereof we delivered your Wor- 
ship a little bracelet, — and those were of the bigness 
of good peas. The rest of her women of the better 
sort had pendants of copper hanging in either ear ; and 
some of the children of the king's brother, and other 
noblemen, have five or six in either ear. He himself 
had upon his head a broad plate of gold, or copper ; 
for, being unpolished, we knew not what metal it should 
be ; neither would he by any means suffer us to take it 
off his head ; but feeling it, it would bow ^ very easily. 

1 Part. 2 Bend. 



l82 THE LOST COLONIES OF VIRGINIA. 

His apparel was as his wife's ; only the women wear 
their hair long on both sides, and the men but on one. 
They are of color yellowish, and their hair black, for 
the most part ; and yet we saw children that had very 
fine auburn and chestnut colored hair. 

After that these women had been there, there came 
down from all parts great store of people, bringing 
with them leather, coral, divers kind of dyes, very ex- 
cellent, and exchanged with us. But when Grangani- 
meo, the king's brother, was present, none durst trade 
but himself, except such as wear red pieces of copper 
on their heads like himself; for that is the difference 
between the noblemen and the governors of countries, 
and the meaner sort. And we both noted there, and 
you have understood since by these men which we 
brought home, that no people in the world carry more 
respect to their king, nobility, and governors, than these 
do. The king's brother's wife, when she came to us, — 
as she did many times, — was followed with forty or 
fifty women always ; and, when she came into the ship, 
she left them all on land, saving her two daughters, 
her nurse, and one or two more. The king's brother 
alwa3^s kept this order: as many boats as he would 
come withal to the ships, so many fires would he make 
on the shore afar off, to the end we might understand 
with what strength and company he approached. 

Their boats are made of one tree, either of pine or 
of pitch trees, a wood not commonly known to our 
people, nor found growing in England. They have no 
edge-tools to make them withal : if they have any, 
they are very few, and those it seems they had twenty 
years since, which, as those two men declared, was out 



THE FIRST VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA. 1 83 

of a wreck, which happened upon their coast, of some 
Christian ship, being beaten that way by some storm 
and outrageous weather, whereof none of the people 
were saved, but only the ship, or some part of her, 
being cast upon the sand, out of whose sides they drew 
the nails and the spikes, and with those they made their 
best instruments. 

The manner of making their boats is thus : they burn 
down some great tree, or take such as are windfallen, 
and, putting gum and resin upon one side thereof, they 
set fire into it, and, when it hath burned it hollow, they cut 
out the coal with their shells, and ever, where they would 
burn it deeper or wider, they lay on gums which burn 
away the timber ; and by this means they fashion very 
fine boats, and such as will transport twenty men.^ 
Their oars are like scoops; and many times they set ^ 
with long poles, as the depth serveth. 

The king's brother had great liking of our armor, a 
sword, and divers other things which we had, and 
offered to lay a great box of pearls in gage ^ for them ; 
but we refused it for this time, because we would not 
make them know that we esteemed thereof, until we 
had understood in what places of the country the pearl 
grew ; which now your Worship doth very well under- 
stand. 

He was very just of his promise, for many times we 
delivered him merchandise upon his word; but ever he 
came within the da}'-, and performed his promise. He 
sent us every day a brace or two of fat bucks, conies, 
hares, fish, the best in the world. 

1 See the woodcut on page 65. 2 Push. 8 Pledge. 



i84 



THE LOST COLONIES OF VIRGINIA. 



II. — Visit to an Indian Princess. 






■::>■ 



The evening following, we came to an island, which 
they call Roanoke, distant from the harbor by which 

we entered seven 
leagues ; and at the 
north end thereof 
was a village of 
nine houses, built 
of cedar, and forti- 
fied round about 
with sharp trees, 
to keep out their 
enemies, and the 
entrance into it 
made like a turn- 
pike very artificial- 
ly. When we came 
towards it, standing 
near unto the wa- 
ter's side, the wife 
of Granganimeo, 
the king's brother, 
came running out to 




INDIAN VILLAGE IN VIRGINIA. 



meet us, very cheer- 
fully and friendly : her husband was not then in the 
village. Some of her people she commanded to draw 
our boat on shore, for the beating of the billow : others 
she appointed to carry us on their backs to the dry 
ground ; and others to bring our oars into the house, 
for fear of stealins:. When we were come into the outer 



VISIT TO AN INDIAN PRINCESS. 185 

room, — having five rooms in her house, — she caused 
us to sit down by a great fire, and after took off our 
clothes, and washed them, and dried them again. Some 
of the women plucked off our stockings, and washed 
them : some washed our feet in warm water ; and she 
herself took great pains to see all things ordered in the 
best manner she could, making great haste to dress 
some meat for us to eat. 

After we had thus dried ourselves, she brought us 
into the inner room, where she set on the board stand- 
ing along the house some wheat like frumenty,' sodden - 
venison and roasted, fish sodden, boiled, and roasted, 
melons raw and sodden, roots of divers kinds, and 
divers fruits. Their drink is commonly water ; but,^while 
the grape lasteth, they drink wine : and, for want of 
casks to keep it, all the year after they drink water, but 
it is sodden, with ginger in it, and black cinnamon, and 
sometimes sassafras, and divers other wholesome and 
medicinal herbs and trees. We were entertained with 
all love and kindness, and with as much bounty, after 
their manner, as they could possibly devise./ We found 
the people most gentle, loving, and faithful, void of all 
guile and treason, and such as live after the manner of 
the golden age\ The people only care how to defend 
themselves froirf the cold in their short winter, and to 
feed themselves with such meat as the soil affordeth. 
Their meat is very well sodden, and they make broth 
very sweet and savory. Their vessels are earthen pots, 
very large, white, and sweet : their dishes are wooden 
platters of sweet timber. Within the place where they 
feed was their lodging, and within that their idol which 

1 Wheat boiled in milk. 2 Boiled. 



l86 THE LOST COLONIES OF VIRGINIA. 

they worship, of whom they speak incredible things. 
While we were at meat, there came in at the gates two 
or three men, with their bows and arrows, from hunting, 
whom when we espied, we began to look one towards 
another, and offered to reach our weapons. But, as soon 
as she ' espied our mistrust, she was very much moved, 
and caused some of her men to run out, and take away 
their bows and arrows, and break them, and, withal, 
beat the poor fellows out of the gate again. When we 
departed in the evening, and would not tarry all night, 
she was very sorry, and gave us into our boat our sup- 
per half dressed, pots and all, and brought us to our 
boat-side, in which we lay all night, removing the same 
a preity distance from the shore. She, perceiving our 
jealousy,^ was much grieved, and sent divers men and 
thirty women to sit all night on the bank-side by us, 
and sent us into our boats five mats to cover us from 
the rain, using very many words to entreat us to remain 
in their houses. But because we were few men, and if 
we had miscarried, the voyage had been in very great 
danger, we durst not adventure on any thing, although 
there was no cause of doubt ; for a more kind and lov- 
ing people there cannot be found in the world, as far 
as we have hitherto had trial. 



III. — Adventures of the First Virginia Colony. 

In the year of our Lord 1586, Sir Walter Raleigh, at 
his own charge, prepared a ship of an hundred tons, 
freighted with all manner of things in most plentiful 

1 Their hostess. 2 Suspicion. 



ADVENTURES OF THE FIRST VIRGINIA COLONY. 187 

manner, for the supply and relief of his colony then 
remaining in Virginia. But, before they set sail from 
England, it was after Easter ; so that our colony half 
despaired of the coming of any supply ; wherefore 
every man prepared for himself, determining resolutely 
to spend the residue of their life in that country. And, 
for the better performance of this their determination, 
they sowed, planted, and set such things as were neces- 
sary for their relief in so plentiful a manner as might 
have sufficed them two years, without any further 
labor. Thus, trusting to their own harvest, they passed 
the summer till the loth of June, at which time their 
corn which they had sowed was within one fortnight of 
reaping ; but then it happened that Sir Francis Drake, 
in his prosperous return from the sacking of Saint Do- 
mino;o, Cartao:ena, and Saint Ausiustine, determined, in 
his way homeward, to visit his countrymen, the English 
colony then remaining in Virginia. So, passing along 
the coasts of Florida, he fell with ^ the parts where our 
English colony inhabited ; and, having espied some of 
that company, there he anchored, and went a-land,- where 
he conferred with them of their state and welfare, and 
how things had passed with them. 

They answered him that they lived all, but hitherto 
in some scarcity, and as yet could hear of no supply 
out of England : therefore they requested him that he 
would leave with them some two or three ships, that, if in 
some reasonable time they heard not out of England, 
they might then return themselves. Which he agreed 
to. Whilst some were then writing their letters to send 
into England, and some others making reports of the 

1 Came to. 2 Ashore. 



l88 THE LOST COLONIES OF VIRGINIA. 

accidents of their travels each to other, — some on land, 
some on board, — a great storm arose, and drove most of 
their fleet from their anchors to sea ; in which ships at 
that instant were the chiefest of the English colony. 
The rest on land, perceiving this, hasted to those three 
sails ' which were appointed to be left there ; and, for 
fear they should be left behind, they left all things 
confusedly, as if they had been chased from thence by 
a mighty army. And no doubt so they were ; for the 
hand of God came upon them for the cruelty and out- 
rages committed by some of them against the native 
inhabitants of that country. 

Immediately after the departing of our English col- 
ony out of this paradise of the world, the ship above 
mentioned, sent and set forth at the charges of Sir 
Walter Raleigh, and his direction, arrived at Hatorask ;^ 
who, after some time spent in seeking our colony up in 
the country, and not finding them, returned with all the 
aforesaid provision into England. 

About fourteen or fifteen days after the departure 
of the aforesaid ship, Sir Richard Grenville, general of 
Virginia, accompanied with three ships well appointed 
for the same voyage, arrived there ; who, not finding 
the aforesaid ship, according to his expectation, nor 
hearing any news of our English colony there seated 
and left by him Anno^ 1585, himself travelling up into 
divers places of the country, as well to see if he could 
hear any news of the colony left there by him the year 

1 Vessels. 

2 Hatorask is supposed to have been an inlet, now closed, north of 
Cape Hatteras, on the North Carolina coast. 

3 In the year. 



THE SECOND ENGLISH COLONY IN VIRGINIA. 189 

before, under the charge of Master Lane, his deputy, 
as also to discover some places of the country. But 
after some time spent therein, not hearing any news of 
them, and finding the places which they inhabited deso- 
late, yet unwilling to lose the possession of the country 
which Englishmen had so long held, after good deliber- 
ation he determined to leave some men behind to retain 
possession of the country. Whereupon he landed fif- 
teen men in the Isle of Roanoke, furnished plentifully 
with all manner of provision for two years, and so 
departed for England. 



IV. — The Second English Colony in Virginia. 

In the year of our Lord 1587, Sir Walter Raleigh, 
intending to persevere in the planting of his country of 
Virginia, prepared a new colony of one hundred and 
fifty men to be sent thither, under the charge of John / 
White, whom he appointed governor; and also ap- 
pointed under him twelve assistants, unto whom he 
gave a charter, and incorporated them by the name of 
Governor and Assistants of the City of Raleigh in Vir- 
ginia. 

Our fleet — being in number three sail, viz., the ad- 
miral,^ a ship of one hundred and twenty tons, a fly- 
boat,^ and a pinnace — departed the six and twentieth 
of April from Portsmouth, and the same day came to an 
anchor at the Cowes, in the Isle of Wight, where we 
staid eight days. . . . 

1 Flag-ship, carrying the commander. 

2 A long, flat-bottomed, Dutch-built vessel. 



IQO THE LOST COLONIES OF VIRGINIA. 

The two and twentieth of July, we arrived safe at 
Hatorask, where our ship and pinnace anchored. The 
governor went aboard the pinnace, accompanied with 
forty of his best men, intending to pass up to Roanoke 
forthwith, hoping there to find those fifteen Englishmen 
which Sir Richard Grenville had left there the year 
before, with whom he meant to have conference con- 
cerning the state of the country and savages ; meaning, 
after he had so done, to return again to the fleet, and 
pass along the coast to the Bay of Chesapeake, where 
we intended to make our seat and fort, according to 
the charge given us among other directions in writing, 
under the hands of Sir Walter Raleigh. But, as soon 
as we were put with our pinnace from the ship, a gen- 
tleman by the name of Ferdinando, who was appoint- 
ed to return for England, called to the sailors in the 
pinnace, charging them not to bring any of the planters 
back again, but to leave them in the island, except the 
governor, and two or three such as he approved, saying 
that the summer was far spent, whereupon he would 
land all the planters in no other place. Unto this were 
all the sailors, both in the pinnace and ship, persuaded 
by the master ; wherefore it booted not ^ the governor to 
contend with them, but [we] passed to Roanoke ; and 
the same night at sunset went a-land ^ on the island, in 
the place where our fifteen men were left : but we found 
none of them, nor any sign that they had been there, 
saving only we found the bones of one of those fifteen 
which the savages had slain long before. 

The three and twentieth of July, the governor, with 
divers of his company, walked to the north end of the 
1 Did not benefit. 2 Ashore. 



THE SECOND ENGLISH COLONY IN VIRGINIA. I91 

island, where Master Ralph Lane had his fort, with 
sundry necessary and decent dwelling-houses, made by 
his men about it the year before, where we hoped to 
find some signs or certain knowledge of our fifteen 
men. When we came thither, we found the fort razed 
down, but all the houses standing unhurt, saving that 
the nether rooms of them, and also of the fort, were 
overgrown with melons of divers sorts, and deer within 
them feeding on those melons : so we returned to our 
company, without hope of ever seeing any of the fifteen 
men living. 

The same day, order was given that every man should 
be employed for the repairing of those houses which 
we found standing, and also to make other new cot- 
tages for such as should need. 

The 25 th, our flyboat and the rest of our planters 
arrived all safe at Hatorask, to the great joy and com- 
fort of the whole company. But the master of our 
admiral,^ Ferdinando, grieved greatly at their safe com- 
ing ; for he purposely left them in the Bay of Portugal, 
and stole away from them in the night, hoping that the 
master thereof, whose name was Edward Spicer, — for 
that he never had been in Virginia, — would hardly find 
the place, or else, being left in so dangerous place as 
that was, by means of so many men-of-war as at that 
time were abroad, they should surely be taken, or slain. 
But God disappointed his wicked pretences. 

The 28th, George Howe, one of our twelve assistants, 
was slain by divers savages which were come over to 
Roanoke, either of purpose to espy our company, and 
what number we were, or else to hunt deer, whereof 

1 Flag-ship. 



192 THE LOST COLONIES OF VIRGINIA. 

were many in the island. These savages — being se- 
cretly hidden among high reeds, where oftentimes they 
find the deer asleep, and so kill them — espied our 
man wading in the water alone, almost naked, without 
any weapon save only a small forked stick, catching 
crabs therewithal, and also being strayed two miles 
from his company; and shot at him in the water, 
where they gave him sixteen wounds with their arrows ; 
and, after they had slain him with their wooden swords, 
they beat his head in pieces, and fled over the water to 
the main. 

On the 30th of July, Master Stafford and twenty of 
our men passed by water to the Island of Croatoan,^ 
with Manteo, who had his mother and many of his 
kindred dwelling in that island ; of whom we hoped to 
understand some news of our fifteen men, but espe- 
cially to learn the disposition of the people of the coun- 
try towards us, and to renew our old friendship with 
them. At our first landing, they seemed as though they 
would fight with us ; but, perceiving us to begin to 
march with our shot^ towards them, they turned their 
backs, and fled. Then Manteo their countryman called 
to them in their own language, whom as soon as they 
heard, they returned, and threw away their bows and 
arrows ; and some of them came unto us, embracing 
and entertaining us friendly, desiring us not to gather 
or spill any of their corn, for they had but little. We 
answered them that neither their corn, nor any thing 
of theirs, should be diminished by any of us ; and that 
our coming was only to renew the old love that was 
between us and them at the first, and to live with them 

1 Probably the island now called Ocracoke. " Aim. 



THE SECOND ENGLISH COLONY IN VIRGINIA. 193 

as brethren and friends : which answer seemed to 
please them well Wherefore they requested us to 
walk up to their town, who there feasted us after their 
manner, and desired us earnestly that there might be 
some token or badges given them of us, whereby we 
might know them to be our friends when we met them 
anywhere out of the town or island. . . . 

We understood by them of Croatoan, how that the 
fifteen Englishmen left at Roanoke the year before 
by Sir Richard Grenville were suddenly set upon by 
thirty of the men of Secota, Aquascogoc, and Dasa- 
monguepeuk in manner following. They conveyed 
themselves secretly behind the trees, near the houses 
where our men carelessly lived. And, having perceived 
that of those fifteen they could see but eleven only, 
two of those savages appeared to the eleven English- 
men, calling to them by friendly signs, that but two of 
their chiefest men should come unarmed to speak with 
those two savages, who seemed also to be unarmed. 
Wherefore two of the chiefest of our Englishmen went 
gladly to them ; but, whilst one of those savages traitor- 
ously embraced one of our men, the other with his 
sword of wood, which he had secretly hidden under his 
mantle, struck him on the head, and slew him ; and 
presently the other eight and twenty savages showed 
themselves. 

The other Englishman, perceiving this, fled to his 
company, whom the savages pursued with their bows 
and arrows so fast, that the Englishmen were forced to 
take the house, wherein all their victuals and weapons 
were ; but the savages forthwith set the same on fire, 
by means whereof our men were forced to take up 



194 THE LOST COLONIES OF VIRGINIA. 

such weapons as came first to hand, and without order 
to run forth among the savages, with whom they skir- 
mished above an hour. In this skirmish, another of our 
men was shot into the mouth with an arrow, where ^ he 
died; and also one of the savages was shot into the 
side by one of our men, with a wildfire arrow,- whereof 
he died presently. 

The place where they fought was of great advantage 
to the savages, by means of the thick trees, behind 
which the savages, through their nimbleness, defended 
themselves, and so offended our men with their arrows, 
that our men, being some of them hurt, retired fighting 
to the water-side, where their boat lay, with which they 
fled towards Hatorask. By that time they had rowed 
but a quarter of a mile, they espied their four fellows 
coming from a creek thereby, where they had been to 
fetch oysters. These four they received into their boat, 
leaving Roanoke, and landed on a little island on the 
riffht hand of our entrance into the harbor of Hatorask, 
where they remained a while, but afterward departed, 
whither as yet we know not. 

Having now sufficiently despatched our business at 
Croatoan, the same day departed friendly, taking our 
leave, and came aboard the fleet at Hatorask. . . . 

The 1 8th, Eleanor, daughter to the governor, and wife 
to Ananias Dare, one of the assistants, was delivered 
of a daughter in Roanoke, and the same was christened 
there the Sunday following ; and, because this child was 
the first Christian born in Virginia, she wms named 
Virginia. By this time, our ships had unladen the 

1 Wherefore. 

2 Probably an arrow rubbed with some irritating ointment. 



SEARCH FOR THE LOST COLONY. I95 

goods and victuals of the planters, and began to take in 
wood and fresh water, and to new calk and trim them 
for England : the planters, also, prepared their letters 
and tokens to send back into England. . . . 

The next day, the 2 2d of August, the whole company, 
both of the assistants and planters, came to the gov- 
ernor, and with one voice requested him to return 



BAPTISM OF FIRST CHILD IN VIRGINIA. 



himself into England, for the better and sooner obtain- 
ing of supplies and other necessaries for them ; but he 
refused it. . . . 

The governor, being at the last, through their ex- 
treme entreating, constrained to return into England, 
having then but half a day's respite to prepare himself 
for the same, departed from Roanoke the seven and 



196 THE LOST COLONIES OF VIRGINIA. 

twentieth of August, in the morning, and the same day 
after midnight came aboard the fly-boat, who already 
had weighed anchor, and rode without the bar, the 
admiral riding by them, who, but the same morning, 
was newly come thither again. The same day both the 
ships weighed anchor, and set sail for England. 



V. — Search for the Lost Colony. 

[It was three j^ears before Governor White returned to the colony which 
he had left. He reached the coast of Virginia in August, 1590, and thus 
describes what followed.] 

Our boats and all things fitted again, we put off 
from Hatorask, being the number of nineteen persons 
in both boats. But, before we could get to the place 
where our planters were left, it was so exceeding dark, 
that we overshot the place a quarter of a mile : there 
we espied, towards the north end of the island, the 
light of a great fire through the woods, to the which we 
presently rowed : when we came right over against it, 
we let fall our grapnel near the shore, and sounded with 
a trumpet a call, and afterward many English tunes of 
songs, and called to them friendly, but we had no 
answer. We therefore landed at daybreak, and, coming 
to the fire, we found the grass and sundry rotten trees 
burning about the place. From hence we went through 
the woods to that part of the island directly over against 
Dasamonguepeuk ; and from thence we returned by the 
water-side round about the north point of the island, 
until we came to the place where I left our colony in 
the year 1586.' 

1 A mistake of the pen. It was 1587. 



SEARCH FOR THE LOST COLONY. 



[97 



In all this way we saw in the sand the print of the 
savages' feet, of two or three sorts, trodden [in] the night; 
and as we entered up the sandy bank, upon a tree, in 
the very brow thereof, were curiously carved these fair 
Roman letters, C R O : which letters presently we knew 
to signify the place where I should find the planters 




^HE EXPLORERS LOOKING AT THE TREE. 



seated,^ according to a secret token agreed upon be- 
tween them and me at my last departure from them. 
Which was, that in any ways they should not fail to 
write or carve upon the trees or posts of the doors the 
name of the place where they should be seated ; for at 
my coming away they were prepared to remove from 
Roanoke fifty miles into the main. Therefore at my 

1 Established. 



198 THE LOST COLONIES OF VIRGINIA. 

departure from them in 1587, I willed them, that, if they 
should happen to be distressed in any of those places, 
then they should carve over the letters or name a cross 
-\- in this form ; but we found no such sign of distress. 
And, having well considered of this, we passed toward 
the place where they were left in sundry houses ; but 
we found the houses taken down, and the place very 
strongly enclosed with a high palisado of great trees, 
with curtains ^ and flankers,- very fort-like. And one of 
the chief trees or posts at the right side of the entrance 
had the bark taken off: and five feet from the ground, 
in fair capital letters, was graven CROATOAN, 
without any cross, or sign of distress. This done, we 
entered into the palisado, where we found many bars of 
iron, two pigs of lead, four iron fowlers,^ iron saker-^ 
shot, and such like heavy things, thrown here and there, 
almost overgrown v.'ith grasses and weeds. 

From thence we went along by the water-side, 
toward the point of the creek, to see if we could find 
any of their boats or pinnace ; but we could perceive 
no sign of them, nor any of the last falcons'* and small 
ordnance which were left with them at my departure 
from them. At our return from the creek, some of 
our sailors, meeting us, told us they had found where 
divers chests had been hidden, and long since digged 
up again, and broken up, and much of the goods in 
them spoiled and scattered about, but nothing left, of 
such things as the savages knew any use of, undefaced. 
Presendy Captain Cooke and I went to the place, which 
was in the end of an old trench, made two years past 

1 Part of the rampart of a fort. 2 Side fortifications. 

3 Different kinds of cannon-balls. * a kind of cannon. 



SEARCH FOR THE LOST COLONY. 199 

by Captain Amadas, where we found five chests that 
had been carefully hidden of the planters, and of the 
same chests three were my own ; and about the place 
many of my things spoiled and broken, and my books 
torn from the covers, the frames of some of my pictures 
and maps rotten, and spoiled with rain, and my armor 
almost eaten through with rust. This could be no other 
but the deed of the savages, our enemies, at Dasamon- 
guepeuk, who had watched the departure of our men 
to Croatoan, and, as soon as they were departed, digged 
up every place where they suspected any thing to be 
buried. But although it much grieved me to see such 
spoil of my goods, yet on the other side I greatly 
joyed that I had safely found a certain token of their 
safe being at Croatoan, which is the place where 
Manteo was born, and the savages of the island our 
friends. . . . 

The next morning it was agreed by the captain and 
myself, with the master and others, to weigh anchor, 
and go for the place at Croatoan, where our planters 
were, for that then the wind was good for that place, 
and also to leave that cask with fresh water on shore 
in the island until our return. So then they brought 
the cable to the captain ; but, when the anchor was 
almost apeak," the cable broke, by means whereof we 
lost another anchor, wherewith we drove so fast into 
the shore, that we were forced to let fall a third 
anchor ; which came so fast home, that the ship w^as 
almost aground by Kenrick's Mounts ; so that we were 
forced to let slip the cable end for end. . . . Being 
thus clear of some dangers, and gotten into deeper 

1 i.e., partly diawn up, and hanging under the bow. 



200 THE LOST COLONIES OF VIRGINIA. 

water, but not without some loss, for we had but one 
cable and anchor left us of four, and the weather 
grew to be fouler and fouler, our victuals scarce, and 
our cask and fresh water lost : it was therefore deter- 
mined that we should go for St. John, or some other 
island to the southward, for fresh water. 

[No trace of this lost colony has ever been discovered; and we can only 
guess at the fate of the first wrhite child born in America, Virginia Dare. 
Strachey, the secretary of the Jamestown (Virginia) colony, twenty years 
after, was told by the Indians that seven of the English, " who escaped the 
slaughter at Roanoke," were preserved alive by a certain chief; but neither 
he nor Captain John Smith has left on record any thing more.] 




PALISADED TOWN. 



BOOK X. 



UNSUCCESSFUL SETTLEMENTS IN 
NEW ENGLAND. 



(A.D. 1602-1607.) 



The narrative of Captain Gosnold's adventures is taken from John 
Brereton's " Brief and True Relation of the Discovery of the North Part 
of Virginia: being a most pleasant, fruitful, and commodious soil." Re- 
printed in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 3d 
series, vol. viii. pp. 85-93. 

Waymouth's narrative is taken from "A True Relation of the most 
Prosperous Voyage made this Present Year, 1605, by Captain George 
Waymouth, in the discovery of the land of Virgmia, where he discovered, 
sixty miles up, a most excellent river, together with a most fertile land. 
Written by James Rosier, a gentleman employed in the voyage." Re- 
printed in the same volume of ths Massachusetts Historical Collections, 
pp. 135-156. 

The other two narratives are from Strachey's " Historie of Travaile 
into Vuginia" (reprinted by the Hakluyt Societv, 1849), pp. 171-173, 176- 
180. 



UNSUCCESSFUL SETTLEMENTS IN 
NEW ENGLAND. 



I. — Gosnold's Fort at Cuttyhunk. 

[Gosnold was the first Englishman who attempted to found a colony in 
New England ; and this account of his attempt is by his companion, John 
Brereton ] 

TO the Honorable Sir Walter Raleigh, 
Knight. Honorable Sir, — Being earnestly re- 
quested by a dear friend to put down in writing some 
true relation of our late-performed voyage to the north 
parts of Virginia/ at length I resolved to satisfy his 
request. . . . 

May it please your Lordship, therefore, to understand 
that upon the five and twentieth of March, 1602, being 
Friday, we went from Falmouth, being in all two and 
thirty persons, in a small bark, of Dartmouth, called 
"The Concord," holding a course for the north part of 
Virginia. . . . 

On Friday, the 14th of May, early in the morning, 
we made the land, being full of fair trees, the land 

1 The Massachusetts coast was still described as a part of Virginia. 

203 



204 UNSUCCESSFUL SETl'LEMENTS. 

somewhat low, certain hammocks ^ or hills lying into 
the land, the shore full of white sand, but very stony 
or rocky. And standing fair along by the shore, 
about twelve of the clock the same day, we came to an 
anchor, M'here eight Indians in a Basque-shallop,"^ with 
mast and sail, an iron grapple, and a kettle of copper, 
came boldly aboard us, one of them apparelled with a 
waistcoat and breeches of black serge, made after our 
sea fashion, hose and shoes on his feet: all the rest — 
saving one that had a pair of breeches of blue cloth — 
were naked. These people are of tall stature, broad 
and grim visage, of a black, swart complexion, their 
eyebrows painted white. Their weapons are bows and 
arrows. It seemed by some words and signs they 
made, that some Basques, or of St. John de Luz,^ have 
fished or traded in this place, being in the latitude of 
forty-three degrees. 

But riding here, in no very good harbor, and withal 
doubting the weather, about three of the clock the 
same day, in the afternoon, we weighed, and standing 
southerly off into sea the rest of that day and the night 
following, with a fresh gale of wind, in the morning 
we found ourselves embayed with a mighty head- 
land.* But coming to an anchor about nine of the 
clock the same day, within a league of the shore, we 
hoisted out the one-half of our shallop ; and Captain 
Bartholomew Gosnold, myself, and three others, went 
ashore, being a white, sandy, and bold shore ; and 

1 Hummocks, or small hills. 

2 Probably a boat obtained from some Basque vessel. The Basques, or 
Biscayans, were among the first to engage in the New England fisheries. 

3 A port in the Bay of Biscay. 

4 Cape Cod. 



GOSNOLD AT CUTTYHUNK. 205 

marching all that afternoon, with our muskets on our 
necks, on the highest hills which we saw, — the weather 
very hot, — at length we perceived this headland to be 
parcel of the main, and sundry islands lying almost 
round about it. So returning towards evening to 
our shallop, — for by that time the other part was 
brought ashore, and set together, — we espied an 
Indian, a young man of proper stature, and of a 
pleasing countenance ; and, after some familiarity with 
him, we left him at the seaside, and returned to our 
ship, where, in five or six hours' absence, we had pes- 
tered ^ our ship so with codfish, that we threw numbers 
of them overboard again. And surely, I am persuaded, 
that in the months of March, April, and May, there is 
upon this coast better fishing, and in as great plenty, 
as in Newfoundland ; for the skulls of mackerel, her- 
rings, cod, and other fish, that we daily saw as we went 
and came from the shore, were wonderful. And 
besides, the places where we took these cods, and 
might in a few days have laden our ship, were but in 
seven fathoms water, and within less than a league from 
the shore ; where,'^ in Newfoundland, they fish in forty 
or fifty fathoms water, and far off. 

From this place we sailed round about this headland 
almost all the points of the compass, the shore very 
bold ; but, as no coast is free from dangers, so I am 
persuaded this is as free as any. The land somewhat 
low, full of goodly woods, but in some places plain. 
At length we were come amongst many fair islands, 
which we had partly discerned at our first landing, all 
lying within a league or two one of another, and the 

1 Crowded. - Whereas. 



2o6 UNSUCCESSFUL SETTLEMENTS. 

outermost not above five or seven leagues from the 
main. But coming to an anchor under one of them,^ 
which was about three or four leagues from the main, 
Captain Gosnold, myself, and some others, went ashore ; 
and, going round about it, we found it to be four Eng- 
lish miles in compass, without house or inhabitant, 
saving a little old house made of boughs covered with 
bark, an old piece of a weir of the Indians to catch 
fish, and one or two places where they had made fires. 
The chief est trees of this island are beeches and 
cedars, the outward parts all overgrown with low, 
bushy trees three or four feet in height, which bear 
some kind of fruits, as appeared by their blossoms ; 
strawberries, red and white, as sweet and much bigger 
than ours in England ; raspberries, gooseberries, whor- 
tleberries, and such an incredible store of vines, as well 
in the woody part of the island, where they run upon 
every tree, as on the outward parts, so that we could 
not go for treading upon them ; also many springs of 
excellent sweet water, and a great standing lake of 
fresh water near the seaside an English mile in com- 
pass, which is maintained with the springs, running 
exceeding pleasantly through the woody grounds, which 
are very rocky. Here are also in this island great store 
of deer, which we saw, and other beasts, as appeared by 
their tracks ; as also divers fowls, as cranes, hernshaws,- 
bitterns, geese, mallards, teals, and other fowl in great 
plenty ; also great store of peas, which grow in certain 
plots all the island over. On the north side of this 
island we found many huge bones and ribs of whales. 
From hence we went to another island to the north- 

1 No Man's Land. - Herons. 



GOSNOLD AT CUTTYHUNK. 207 

west of this, and within a league or two of the main, 
which we found to be greater than before we imagined, 
being sixteen English miles, at the least, in compass ; 
for it containeth many pieces or necks of land, which 
differ nothing from several islands, saving tliat certain 
banks of small breadth do like bridges join them to 
this island. On the outside of this island are many 
plain places of grass, abundance of strawberries, and 
other berries before mentioned. In mid-May we did 
sow in this island, for a trial, in sundry places, wheat, 
barley, oats, and peas, which in fourteen days were 
sprung up nine inches, and more. The soil is fat and 
lusty, the upper crust of gray color, but a foot or less 
in depth, of the color of our hemp-lands in England, 
and being thus apt for these and the like grains. 
The sowing or setting — after the ground is closed — is 
no greater labor than if you should set or sow in one of 
our best preparedTgardens in England. This island is 
full of high timbered oaks, their leaves thrice so broad 
as ours ; cedars, straight and tall ; beech, elm holly, 
walnut-trees in abundance, the fruit as big as ours, as 
appeared by those we found under the trees, which had 
Iain all the year ungathered ; hazelnut-trees, cherry- 
trees, the leaf, bark, and bigness not differing from ours 
in England, but the stalk beareth the blossoms or fruit 
at the end thereof, like a cluster of grapes, forty or fifty 
in a bunch ; sassafras-trees, great plenty all the island 
over, a tree of high price and profit ; also divers other 
fruit-trees, some of them with strange barks of an orange 
color, in feeling soft and smooth like velvet : in the 
thickest parts of these woods you may see a furlong or 
more round about. 



208 



UNSUCCESSFUL SETTLEIVIENTS. 



On the north-west side of this island, near to the sea- 
side, is a standing lake of fresh water, almost three 
English miles in compass, in the midst whereof stands 
a plot of woody ground, an acre in quantity, or not 
above. This lake is full of small tortoises, and exceed- 
ingly frequented with all sorts of fowls, before rehearsed,* 
which breed, some low on the banks, and others on low 




GOSNOI.D S FORT. 



trees about this lake, in great abundance, whose young 
ones of all sorts we took and ate at our pleasure ; but 
all these fowls are much bigger than ours in England. 
Also in every island, and almost in every part of every 
island, are great store of ground-nuts, forty together 
on a string, some of them as big as hen's eggs : they 

1 Enumerated. 



GOSNOLD AT CUTTYHUNK. 209 

grow not two inches under ground, the which nuts we 
found to be as good as potatoes. Also divers sorts of 
shell-fish, as scallops, mussels, cockles, lobsters, crabs, 
oysters, and whelks, exceeding good and very great. . . . 
Now the next day, we determined to fortify ourselves 
in a little plot of ground in the midst of the lake above 
mentioned, where we built our house, and covered it 
with sedge, which grew about this lake in great abun- 
dance ; in building whereof we spent three weeks, and 
more. But, the second day aftfer our coming from the 
main, we espied eleven canoes or boats, with fifty 
Indians in them, coming toward us from this part of 
the main, where we two days before landed ; and, being 
loath they should discover our fortification, we went out 
on the seaside to meet them. And, coming somewhat 
near them, they all sat down upon the stones, calling 
aloud to us, as we rightly guessed, to do the like, a little 
distance from them. Having sat a while in this order, 
Captain Gosnold willed me to go unto them to see 
what countenance ^ they would make ; but, as soon as I 
came up unto them, one of them, to whom I had given 
a knife two days before in the main, knew me, whom I 
also very well remembered, and, smiling upon me, spake 
somewhat unto their lord or captain, which sat in the 
midst of them, who presently rose up, and took a large 
beaver-skin from one that stood about him, and gave it 
unto me, which I requited for that time the best I could. 
But I, pointing towards Captain Gosnold, made signs 
unto him that he was our captain, and desirous to be his 
friend, and enter league with him, which, as I perceive, 
he understood, and made signs of joy. Whereupon 

1 Behavior. 



2IO UNSUCCESSFUL SETTLEMENTS. 

Captain Gosnold, with the rest of his company, being 
twenty in all, came up unto them, and after many signs 
of gratulations, — Captain Gosnold presenting their lord 
with certain trifles which they wondered at and highly 
esteemed, — we became very great friends, and sent 
for meat aboard our shallop, and gave them such meats 
as we had then ready dressed ; whereof they misliked 
nothing but our mustard, whereat they made many a 
sour face. . . . 

So the rest of the day we spent in trading with them 
for furs, which are beavers, luzernes, martens, otters, 
wildcat-skins, — very large and deep fur, — black foxes, 
coney skins, of the color of our hares, but somewhat 
less, deer-skins very large, seal-skins, and other beasts' 
skins, to us unknown. They have also great store of 
copper, some very red, and some of a paler color : none 
of them but have chains, ear-rings, or collars of this 
metal. They head some of their arrows herewith, much 
like our broad arrow-heads, very workmanly made. 
Their chains are many hollow pieces cemented together, 
each piece of the bigness of one of our reeds, a finger 
in length, ten or twelve of them together on a string, 
which they wear about their necks. Their collars they 
wear about their bodies, like bandoleers,^ a handful 
broad, all hollow pieces like the other, but somewhat 
shorter, four hundred pieces in a collar, very fine and 
evenly set together. Besides these, they have large 
drinking-cups made like skulls, and other thin plates of 
copper, made much like our boar spear blades, all which 
they so little esteem as they offered their fairest collars 
or chains for a knife or such like trifle ; but we seemed 

1 A belt with cartridsre-boxes. 



GOSNOLD AT CUTTYHUNK. 211 

little to regard it. Yet I was desirous to understand 
where they had such store of this metal, and made signs 
to one of them, with whom I was very familiar, who, 
taking a piece of copper in his hand, made a hole with 
his finger in the ground, and withal pointed to the main ' 
from whence they came. . . . 

Thus they continued with us three days, every night 
retiring themselves to the furthermost part of our 
island, two or three miles from our fort ; but the fourth 
day they returned to the main, pointing five or six 
times to the sun, and once to the main, which we 
understood [to mean] that, within five or six days, they 
would come from the main to us again. But, being in 
their canoes a little from the shore, they made huge 
cries and shouts of joy unto us ; and we with our trum- 
pet and cornet, and casting up our caps into the air, 
made them the best farewell we could. Yet six or 
seven of them remained with us behind, bearing us 
company every day into the woods, and helped us to 
cut and carry our sassafras, and some of them lay^ 
aboard our ship. 

These people, as they are exceeding courteous, gentle 
of disposition, and well conditioned, exceeding all 
others that we have seen, so for shape of body and 
lovely favor, I think they excel all the people of Ameri- 
ca. [They are] of stature much higher than we ; of 
complexion or color much like a dark olive ; their 
eyebrows and hair black, which they wear long, tied up 
behind in knots, whereon they prick feathers of fowls, 
in fashion of a coronet. Some of them are black, thin- 
bearded. They make beards of the hair of beasts ; 

1 Mainland. '- Slept. 



212 UNSUCCESSFUL SETTLEMENTS. 

and one of them offered a beard of their making to 
one of om- sailors, for his that grew on his face, which, 
because it was of a red color, they judged to be none 
of his own. They are quick-eyed, and steadfast in 
their looks, fearless of others' harms, as intending 
none themselves ; some of the meaner sort given to 
filching, which the very name of savages, not weighing 
their ignorance in good or evil, may easily excuse. 
Their garments are of deer-skins ; and some of them 
wear furs round and close about their necks. They 
pronounce our language with great facility ; for one of 
them one day sitting by me, upon occasion I spake 
smiling to him these words, " How now, sirrah, are you 
so saucy with my tobacco ? " which words, without any 
further repetition, he suddenly spake so plain and 
distinctly, as if he had been a long scholar in the lan- 
guage. Many other such trials we had, which are 
here needless to repeat. . . . 

But after our bark had taken in so much sassafras,^ 
cedar, firs, skins, and other commodities, as were 
thought convenient, some of our company that had 
promised Captain Gosnold to stay, having nothing but a 
saving-^ voyage in their minds, made our company of 
inhabitants, which was small enough before, much 
smaller; so as ^ Captain Gosnold seeing his whole 
strength to consist but of twelve men, and they but 
meanly provided, determined to return for England, 
leaving this island, which he called Elizabeth's Island,* 
with as many true sorrowful eyes as were before de- 
sirous to see it. So the i8th of June, being Friday, we 

1 Then much valued as a medicine. 2 Profitable. 

3 That. 4 Now called by its Indian name of Cuttyhunk. 



CAPTAIN WAYMOUTH CAPTURES INDIANS. 213 

weighed, and with indifferent fair wind and weather 
came to anchor the 23d of July, being also Friday, in 
all bare five weeks, before Exmouth. 

Your Lordship's to command, 

John Brereton. 



11. — Captain Waymouth captures Indians, and 

EXPLORES the PeNOBSCOT RiVER. 
[Captain peorge Waymouth, or Weymouth, sailed from England in 1605.] 

Wednesday the twenty-ninth day [of May], our 
shallop being now finished, and our captain and men 
furnished to depart with her from the ship, we set up a 
cross on the shore-side upon the rocks. 

Thursday, the 30th of May, about ten o'clock before 
noon, our captain, with thirteen men more, in the name 
of God, and with all our prayers for our prosperous 
discovery and safe return, departed in the shallop ; 
leaving the ship in a good harbor, which before I 
mentioned, well moored, and manned with fourteen men. 

This day, about five o'clock in the afternoon, we in 
the ship espied three canoes coming towards us, which 
went to the island adjoining, where they went ashore, 
and very quickly had made a fire, about which they 
stood beholding our ship, to whom we made signs with 
our hands and hats, waving unto them to come unto 
us, because we had not seen any of the people yet. 
They sent one canoe with three men, one of which, 
when they came near unto us, spake in his language 
very loud and very boldly, seeming as though he 
would know why we were there ; and by pointing with 



214 UNSUCCESSFUL SETTLEMENTS. 

his oar towards the sea, we conjectured he meant we 
should be gone. But when we showed them knives 
and their use, by cutting of sticks ; and other trifles, as 
combs and glasses, they came close aboard our ship, as 
desirous to entertain our friendship. To these we gave 
such things as we perceived they liked, when we showed 
them the use, — bracelets, rings, peacock-feathers, which 
they stuck in their hair, and tobacco-pipes. After their 
departure to their company on the shore, presently 
came four others in another canoe ; to whom we gave 
as to the former, using them with as much kindness as 
we could. 

The shape of their body is very proportionable. 
They are well countenanced, not very tall nor big, but 
in stature like to us. They paint their bodies with 
black ; their faces, some with red, some with black, and 
some with blue. 

Their clothing is beaver-skins or deer-skins cast over 
them like a mantle, and hanging down to their knees, 
made fast together upon the shoulder with leather : 
some of them had sleeves, most had none ; some had 
buskins of such leather sewed. . . . 

The next morning, very early, came one canoe aboard 
us again, with three savages, whom we easily then 
enticed into our ship, and under the deck, where we 
gave them pork, fish, bread, and peas, all which they 
did eat ; and this I noted, they would eat nothing raw, 
either fish or flesh. They marvelled much, and much 
looked upon the making of our can and kettle, so they 
did at a head-piece,^ and at our guns, of which they 
are most fearful, and would fall flat down at the report 

1 Of armor. 



CAPTAIN WAYMOUTH CAPTURES INDIANS. 215 

of them. At their departure, I signed unto them, that, 
if they would bring me back such skins as they wear, I 
would give them knives, and such things as I saw they 
most liked, which the chief of them promised to do 
by that time the sun should be beyond the midst of the 
firmament.' This I did to bring them to an under- 
standing of exchange, and that they might conceive the 
intent of our coming to them to be for no other 
end. . . . 

I return now to our savages, who, according to their 
appointment, about one o'clock, came with four canoes 
to the shore of the island right over against us, where 
they had lodged the last night, and sent one canoe to 
us with two of those savages who had been aboard, 
and another who then seemed to have command of 
them ; for though we perceived their willingness, yet 
he would not permit them to come aboard ; but he, 
having viewed us^and our ship, signed that he would 
go to the rest of the company, and return again. Pres- 
ently after their departure, it began to rain, and con- 
tinued all that afternoon, so as they could not come to 
us with their skins and furs, nor we go to them. But, 
after an hour or thereabout, the three which had been 
with us before came again, whom we had to our fire, 
and covered them with our gowns. Our captain be- 
stowed a shirt upon him, whom we thought to be their 
chief, who seemed never to have seen any before. 
We gave him a brooch to hang about his neck, a great 
knife, and lesser knives to the two other ; and to every 
one of them a comb and glass, the use whereof we 
showed them ; whereat they laughed and took these 
1 he., in the afternoon. 



2l6 UNSUCCESSFUL SETTLEMENTS. 

presents gladly. We victualled ^ them, and gave them 
aqua vitce^'^ which they tasted, but would by no means 
drink. Our beverage they liked well. We gave them 
sugar-candy, which after they had tasted they liked, 
and desired more, and raisins which were given them ; 
and some of every thing they would reserve to carry to 
their company. Wherefore we, pitying their being in 
the rain, and therefore not able to get themselves 
victual, as we thought, we gave them bread and 
fish. 

Thus, because we found the land a place answerable 
to the intent of our discovery, namely, fit for any nation 
to inhabit, we used the people with as great kindness 
as we could devise, or found them capable of. 

The next day being Saturday, and the ist of June, 
I traded with the savages all the forenoon upon the 
shore, where were eight and twenty of them ; and, 
because our ship rode nigh, we were but five or six ; 
where, for knives, glasses, combs, and other trifles, to 
the value of four or five shillings, we had forty good 
beavers' skins, otters' skins, sables, and other small 
skins which we knew not how to call. Our trade being 
ended, many of them came aboard us, and did eat by 
our fire, and would be very merry and bold in regard 
of our kind usage of them. Towards night, our cap- 
tain went on shore to have a draught with the seine, or 
net. And we carried two of them with us, who mar- 
velled to see us catch fish with a net. Most of that we 
caught we gave them and their company. Then on the 
shore I learned the names of divers things of them ; 
and, when they perceived me to note them down, they 

1 Fed. 2 Jirandv. 



CAPTAIN VVAYMOUTH CAPTURES INDIANS. 217 

would of themselves fetch fish and fruit-bushes, and 
stand by me to see me write their names. 

Our captain showed them a strange thing, which they 
wondered at. His sword and mine, having been touched 
with the loadstone, took up a knife, and held it fast 
when they plucked it away, made the knife turn, — being 
laid on a block, — and, touching it with his sword, made 
that take up a needle, whereat they much marvelled. 
This we did to cause them to imagine some great power 
in us, and for that to love and fear us. . . . 

Our captain had two of them at supper with us in his 
cabin, to see their demeanor, and had them in presence 
at service,* who behaved themselves very civilly, neither 
laughing nor talking all the time, and at supper fed not 
like men of rude education ; neither would they eat 
or drink more than seemed to content nature. They 
desired peas to carry ashore to their women, which we 
gave them, with fish and bread, and lent them pewter 
dishes, which they carefully brought again. . . . 

This day, about five o'clock, afternoon, came three 
other canoes from the main, of which some had been 
with us before : and they came aboard us, and brought 
us tobacco, which we took with them in their pipes, 
which were made of earth, very strong, black, and short, 
containing a great quantity. Some tobacco they gave 
unto our captain, and some to me, in very civil, kind 
manner : we requited them with bread and peas, which 
they carried to their company on shore, seeming very 
thankful. After supper they returned with their canoe, 
to fetch us ashore, to take tobacco with them there, 
with whom six or seven of us went, and carried some 

1 Prayers. 



2l8 UNSUCCESSFUL SETTLEMENTS. 

trifles, if peradventure they had any truck/ among 
which I carried some few biscuits, to try if they would 
exchange for them, seeing they so well liked to eat them. 
When we came at shore, they most kindly entertained 
us, taking us by the hands, as they observed we did to 
them aboard, in token of welcome, and brought us to 
sit down by their fire, where sat together thirteen of 
them. They filled their tobacco-pipe, which was then 
the short claw of a lobster, which will hold ten of our 
pipes full, and we drank ^ of their excellent tobacco as 
much as we would with them. But we saw not any great 
quantity to truck ^ for ; and it seemed they had not 
much left of old, for they spend a great quantity yearly 
by their continual drinking. And they would sign unto 
us that it was grown yet but a foot above ground, and 
would be above a yard high, with a leaf as broad as 
both their hands. . . . 

About eight o'clock this day, we went on shore with 
our boats, to fetch aboard water and wood ; our captain 
leaving word with the gunner in the ship, by discharging 
a musket, to give notice, if they espied an};- canoe com- 
ing ; which they did about ten o'clock. He, therefore, 
being careful they should be kindly treated, requested 
me to go aboard, intending with despatch to make what 
haste after he possibly could. When I came to the 
ship, there were two canoes, and in either of them three 
savages, of whom two were below at the fire : the others 
staid in their canoes about the ship, and, because we 
could not entice them aboard, we gave them a can of 

1 i.e., any thing to truck or trade for. 

2 Smoked. This word was formerly much used in describing the use 
of tobacco. 3 Trade. 



CAPTAIN WAYMOUTH CAPTURES INDIANS. 219 

peas and bread, which they carried to the shore to eat. 
But one of them brought back our can presently, and 
staid aboard with the other two ; for he, being young, 
of a ready capacity, and one we most desired to bring 
with us into England, had received exceeding kind 
usage at our hands, and was therefore much delighted 
in our company. When our captain was come, we con- 
sulted how to catch the other three at shore, which we 
performed thus : — 

We manned the light horseman ^ with seven or eight 
men. One standing before carried our box of merchan- 
dise, as we were wont when I went to traffic with them, 
and a platter of peas, which meat - they loved. But, 
before we were landed, one of them (being so suspi- 
ciously fearful of his own good) withdrew himself into 
the wood. The other two met us on the shore-side, to 
receive the peas, with whom we went up the cliff to 
their fire, and sat down with them ; and while we were 
discussing how to catch the third man, who was gone, 
I opened the box, and showed them trifles to exchange, 
thinking thereby to have banished fear from the other, 
and drawn him to return. But, when we could not, we 
used little delay, but suddenly laid hands upon them. 
And it was as much as five or six of us could do to get 
them into the light horseman ; for they were strong, and 
so naked as ^ by far our best hold was by the long hair 
on their heads. And we would have been very loath to 
have done them any hurt, which of necessity we had 
been constrained to have done if we had attempted 
them in a multitude, which we must and w^ould, rather 

1 A kind of boat similar to what is now called a gig. 
2. Food. 3 That. 



220 UNSUCCESSFUL SETTLEMENTS. 

than have wanted them, being a matter of great impor- 
tance for the full accomplishment of our voyage. 

Thus we shipped five savages, two canoes, with all 
their bows and arrows. . . . Tuesday, the nth of June, 
we passed up into the river ^ with our ship about six 
and twenty miles, of which I had rather not write than 
by my relation to detract from the worthiness there- 
of. .. . 

As we passed with a gentle wind up with our ship in 
this river, any man may conceive with what admiration 
we all consented ^ in joy. Many of our company who 
had been travellers in sundry countries, and in the 
most famous rivers, yet affirmed them not comparable to 
this they now beheld. Some that were with Sir Walter 
Raleigh in his voyage to Guiana, in the discovery of 
the River Orenoque,^ which echoed fame to the world's 
ears, gave reasons why it was not to be compared with 
this, which wanteth the danger of many shoals and 
broken ground, wherewith that was encumbered. Others 
before that notable river in the West Indies called Rio 
Grande ; some before the River of Loire, the River 
Seine, and of Bourdeaux, in France, which, although 
they be great and goodly rivers, yet it is no detraction 
from them to be accounted inferior to this, which not 
only yieldeth all the aforesaid pleasant profits, but also 
appeareth infallibly to us free from all inconveniences. 

I will not prefer it before our River of Thames, 
because it is England's richest treasure ; but we all did 
wish those excellent harbors, good deeps in a continual 
convenient breadth, and small tide-gates, to be as well 
therein for our country's good as we found them here 
1 Probably the Penobscot. 2 Agreed. ^ Orinoco. 



CAPTAIN WAYMOUTH CAPTURES INDIANS. 221 

— beyond our hopes — in certain, for those to whom 
it shall please God to grant this land for habitation ; 
which if it had, with the other inseparable adherent 
commodities here to be found, then I would boldly 
affirm it to be the most rich, beautiful, large, and secure 
harboring river that the world affordeth. . . . Further, 
I have thought fit to add some things worthy to be 
regarded, which we have observed from the savages 
since we took them. 

First, although at the time we surprised them, they 
made their best resistance, not knowing our purpose, 
nor what we were, not how we meant to use them ; 
yet, after perceiving by their kind usage we intended 
them no harm, they have never since seemed discon- 
tented with us, but very tractable, loving, and willing 
by their best means to satisfy us in any thing we de- 
mand of them, by words or signs for their understand- 
ing. Neither have they at any time been at the least 
discord among themselves, insomuch as we have not 
seen them angry, but merry, and so kind, as, if you 
give any thing to one of them, he will distribute part to 
every one of the rest. 

We have brought them to understand some English, 
and we understand much of their language, so as we 
are able to ask them many things. 

[The Indians thus carried to England were the objects of great won- 
der, and crowds of people followed them in the streets. It is thought 
that Shakspeave may have referred to them in the Tempest, written a few 
years later, about 1610. Trinculo there wishes to take the monster Cali- 
ban to England, and says, "Not a holiday fool there but would give a 
piece of silver ; there would this monster make a man ; any strange beast 
there makes a man. When they will not give a doit to relieve a lame 
beggar, they will lay out ten to see a dead Indian."] 



222 



UNSUCCESSFUL SETTLEMENTS. 



III. — The Popham Colony on the Kennebec. 

[So much interest was excited by tlie voyages of Gosnold and Way- 
mouth, that two companies were formed in England for the settlement of 
America, — the London Company and the Plymouth Company. Each 
company sent out a colony in 1606 ; but the ship sent by the Plymouth 
Company was taken by a Spanish fleet, while the other colony reached Vir- 
ginia. Then in June, 1607, the Plymouth Company sent another colony, 
under command of Captain George Popham, he being in a vessel called 
"The Gift of God," accompanied by "The Mary and John," Captain 
Raleigh Gilbert. They reached the mouth of the River Sachadehoc, or 
Kennebec, In August ; and the narrative proceeds as follows, as told by 
Strachey, secretary of the Virginia Colony.] 



Captain Popham, in his pinnace, with thirty persons, 
and Captain Gilbert in his long-boat, with eighteen 
persons more, went early in the morning from their 

ship into the River Sachade- 
hoc, to view the river, and to 
search where they might find 
a fit place for their planta- 
tion. They sailed up into 
the river near forty leagues, 
and found it to be a very 
gallant river, very deep, and 
seldom less water than three 
fathom, . . . whereupon they 
proceeded no farther, but, in 
their return homewards, ob- 
served many goodly islands 
therein, and many branches of other small rivers falling 
into it. 

They all went ashore, and there made choice of a 




JAMES 



THE POPHAM COLON-y ON THE KENNEBEC. 223 

place for their plantation/ at the mouth or entry of the 
river on the west side, — for the river bendeth itself 
towards the nor'-east, and by east, — being almost an 
island, of a good bigness, being in a province called by 
the Indians Sabino, so called of a sagamo, or chief 
commander, under the grand Bassaba.'^ As they were 
ashore, three canoes full of Indians came to them, but 
would not come near, but rowed away up the river. 

They all went ashore where they had made choice of 
their plantation, and where they had a sermon deHv- 
ered unto them by their preacher ; and, after the ser- 
mon, the president's commission was read, with the 
laws to be observed and kept. George Popham, gent.,^ 
was nominated president. Captain Raleigh Gilbert, 
James Davies, Richard Lymer, preacher. Captain Rich- 
ard Davies, Captain Harlow, the same who brought 
away the savages at this time showed in London, from 
the river of Canada, were all sworn assistants ; and so 
they returned back again. 

Aug. 20. All went to shore again, and there began 
to intrench and make a fort, and to build a store- 
house. . . . 

You may please to understand how, whilst this busi- 
ness was thus followed here, soon after their first 
arrival, that [they] had despatched away Captain Robert 
Davies, in the " Mary and John," to advertise of their 
safe arrival and forwardness of their plantation within 
this River of Sachadehoc, with letters to the lord chief 

1 This place was at one time supposed to have been what is now called 
Parker's Island; but is now thought to have been Cape Small Point on the 
main land, near the site of the present Fort Popham. 

" Higher chief. ^ Gentleman. 



224 UNSUCCESSFUL SETTLEMENTS. 

justice, importuning a supply for the most necessary 
wants to the subsisting of a colony to be sent unto 
them betimes the next year. 

After Captain Davies' departure, they fully finished 
the fort, trenched and fortified it with twelve pieces 
of ordnance, and built fifty houses therein, besides a 
church and a storehouse ; and the carpenters framed a 
pretty pinnace ' of about some thirty tons, which they 
called the " Virginia ;" the chief shipwright being one 
Digby of London. 

Many discoveries, likewise, had been made both to 
the main and unto the neighbor rivers, and the frontier 
nations fully discovered by the diligence of Captain 
Gilbert, had not the winter proved so extreme unsea- 
sonable and frosty ; for it being in the year 1607, when 
the extraordinary frost was felt in rnost parts of Europe, 
it was here likewise as vehement, by which no boat 
could stir upon any business. Howbeit, as time and 
occasion gave leave, there was nothing omitted which 
could add unto the benefit or knowledge of the plant- 
ers, for which when Captain Davies arrived there in the 
year following, — set out from Topsham, the port town of 
Exeter, with a ship laden full of victuals, arms, instru- 
ments, and tools, &c., — albeit he found Mr. George 
Popham, the president, and some other dead, yet he 
found all things in good forwardness, and many kinds 
of furs obtained from the Indians by way of trade, 
good store of sarsaparilla gathered, and the new 
pinnace all finished. But by reason that Captain Gilbert 
received letters that his brother was newly dead, and a 
fair portion of land fallen unto his share, which re- 

1 Vessel. 



gilbert's ADVENIURE WITH THE INDIANS. 225 

quired his repair * home, and no mines discovered, and 
no hope thereof, — being the main intended benefit ex- 
pected to uphold the charge of this plantation, — and 
the fear that all other winters would prove like the 
first, the company by no means would stay any longer 
in the country, especially Captain Gilbert being to leave 
them, and Mr. Popham, as aforesaid, dead : therefore 
they all embarked in this new arrived ship, and in the 
new pinnace, the " Virginia," and set sail for England. 
And this was the end of that northern colony upon the 
River Sachadehoc. 

[This was the first colony that spent a winter in New England, — thir- 
teen years before the Plymouth Colony arrived. The winter was an 
unusually severe one ; and, moreover, the chief promoters of the colony, 
Sir John Popham and Captain Popham, died. But for this, it is possible 
that the colony might have remained ; and, in that case, Maine would have 
been settled only a year later than V^irginia.] 



IV. — Captain Gilbert's Adventure with the 
Indians. 

[Captain Gilbert, the companion of Captain Popham, went up the River 
Kennebec, or Sachadehoc, in a shallop with nineteen men, and had this 
adventure with Indians.] 

In the morning there came a canoe unto them, and 
in her a sagamo ^ and four savages, — some of those 
which spoke to them the night before. The sagamo 
called his name Lebenoa, and told us how he was lord 
of the River Sachadehoc. They entertained him friendly, 
and took him into their boat, and presented him with 

1 Return. 2 Chief. 



2 26 UNSUCCESSFUL SETTLEMENTS. 

some trifling tilings, which he accepted. Howbeit, he 
desired some one of our men to be put in his canoe as 
a pawn of his safety, whereupon Captain Gilbert sent 
in a man of his, when presently the canoe rowed away 
from them, with all the speed they could make, up the 
river. They followed with the shallop, having great 
care that the sagamo should not leap overboard. The 
canoe quickly rowed from them, and landed ; and the 
men made to their houses, being near a league on the 
land from the river's side, and carried our man with 
them. The shallop, making good way, at length came 
to another downfall,' which was so shallow and so swift 
that by no means they could pass any farther, for which 
Captain Gilbert, with nine others, landed, and took their 
fare,^ the savage sagamo, with them, and went in search 
after those other savages, whose houses, the sagamo 
told Captain Gilbert, were not far off. And. after a good 
tedious march, they came indeed at length unto those 
savages' houses, where [they] found near fifty able men, 
very strong and tall, such as their like before they had 
not seen, all newly painted, and armed with their bows 
and arrows. Howbeit, after that the sagamo had talked 
with them, they delivered back again the man, and used 
all the rest very friendly, as did ours the like by them, 
who sho\Ved them their commodities of beads, knives, 
and some copper, of which they seemed very fond, 
and, by way of trade, made show that they would come 
down to the boat, and there bring such things as they 
had, to exchange them for ours. So Captain Gilbert 
departed from them ; and, within half an hour after he 
had gotten to his boat, there came three canoes down 

1 Rapids. 2 Passenger. 



GILBERTS ADVENTURE WITH THE INDIANS. 227 

unto them, and in them some sixteen savages, and 
brought with them some tobacco, and certain small 
skins, which were of no value ; which Captain Gilbert 
perceiving, and that they had nothing else wherewith to 
trade, he caused all his men to come aboard. And, as 
he would have put from the shore, the savages perceiv- 
ing so much, subtly devised how they might put out 
the fire in the shallop, by which means they saw they 
should be free from the danger of our men's pieces ; ' 
and, to perform the same, one of the savages came into 
the shallop, and taking the firebrand which one of our 
company held in his hand thereby to light the matches, 
as if he would light a pipe of tobacco, as soon as he 
had gotten it into his hand he presently threw it into 
the water, and leaped out of the shallop. Captain 
Gilbert, seeing that, suddenly commanded his men to 
betake them to their muskets, and the targetiers too, 
from the head of the boat ; and had one of the men 
before, with his target on his arm, to step on the shore 
for more fire. Th& savages resisted him, and would 
not suffer him to take any, and some others holding fast 
the boat-rope, that the shallop could not put off. Cap- 
tain Gilbert caused the musketeers to present their 
pieces, the which the savages seeing, presently let go 
the boat-rope, and betook them to their bows and 
arrows, and ran into the bushes, nocking- their arrows, 
but did not shoot, neither did ours at them. So the 
shallop departed from them to the farther side of the 
river, where one of the canoes came unto them, and 
would have excused the fault of the others. Captain 

1 The guns were matchlocks, for which fire was necessary. 

2 Notching, putting the notch against the string. 



2 28 UNSUCCESSFUL SETTLEMENTS. 

Gilbert made show as if he were still friends, and enter- 
tained them kindly, and so left them, returning to the 
place where he had lodged the night before, and there 
came to an anchor for that night. 



BOOK XI. 

CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH, 

(a.d. 1606-1631.) 



The first four of the following extracts are from Smith's " Generall His- 
toric of Virginia, New England, and the Suaimer Isles" (edition of 1626), 
pp. 39-49. The next four are from the " Historie of Travaile into Vir- 
ginia Britannia," by William Strachey, secretary of the Virginia Colony. 
Reprinted by the Hakluyt Society (1849), pp. 49-52, 57, 58, 80, Si, 110, 
III. The ninth is from' the "Generall Historie," p. 219. The tenth is 
from "A Description of New England, by Captain John Smith," printed 
in the Massachusetts Historical Collections, 3d series, vol. vi. pp. 109, 121. 
The eleventh is from the ** Generall Historie," pp. 1 21-123. The last two 
are from " Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters of New Eng- 
land or anywhere, by Captaine John Smith, sometimes Governour of Vir- 
ginia, and Admirall of New England." London, 1631. Reprinted in 
Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d series, vol. iii. pp. 7, 29, 30, 44. There is a memoir 
of Captain Smith, by G. S. Hillard, in Sparks's "American Biography," 
vol. ii. 



CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH. 



I. — Captain John Smith in Virginia. 

CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLL/ one of 
the first movers of this plantation, having many 
years solicited many of his friends, but found small 
assistance, at last prevailed with some gentlemen, as 
Captain John Smith, Mr. Edward Maria Wingfield, Mr. 
Robert Hunt, and divers others, who depended ^ a year 
upon his projects ; but nothing could be effected, till, 
by their great charge and industry, it came to be ap- 
prehended by certain of the nobility, gentry, and 
merchants, so that his Majesty by his letters-patents 
gave commission for establishing councils to direct here, 
and to govern and to execute there. To effect this 
was spent another year ; and by that, three ships were 
provided, — one of a hundred tons, another of forty, 
and a pinnace ^ of twenty. The transportation of the 
company was committed to Captain Christopher New- 
port, a mariner well practiced for the western parts 

1 More often written " Gosnold." 

2 Waited. ^ A small sailing-vessel. 

231 



232 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH IN VIRGINIA. 

of America, But their orders for government were put 
in a box, not to be opened, nor the governors known, 
until they arrived in Virginia. 

On the 19th of December, 1606, we set sail from 
Blackwall, but by unprosperous winds were kept six 
weeks in the sight of England. . . . 

We watered at the Canaries. We traded with the 
savages at Dominica. Three weeks we spent in re- 
freshing ourselves among the West India Isles. In 
Gaudaloupe we found a bath so hot, as in it we boiled 
pork as well as over the fire ; and, at a little isle called 
Monica, we took from the bushes with our hands, near 
two hogsheads full of birds in three or four hours. In 
Mevis, Mona, and the Virgin Isles, we spent some 
time, where, with a loathsome beast like a crocodile, 
called a gwayn,^ tortoises, pelicans, parrots, and fishes, 
we daily feasted. Gone from thence in search of Vir- 
ginia, the company was not a little discomforted, seeing 
the mariners had three days passed their reckoning,^ 
and found no land ; so that Captain Ratliffe, captain 
of the pinnace, rather desired to bear up the helm to 
return for England than make further search. But 
God the guider of all good actions, forcing them by an 
extreme storm to hull ^ all night, did drive them by his 
providence to their desired port, beyond all their expec- 
tation ; for never any of them had seen that coast. 

The first land they made they called Cape Henry, 
where thirty of them, recreating themselves on shore, 
were assaulted by five savages, who hurt two of the 
English very dangerously. That night was the box 
opened, and the orders read, in which Bartholomew 

1 Iguana. - i.e., taken no observations of the sun. 3 i.e., lie to. 



CAPTAIN JOHN SiMITH IN VIRGINIA. 233 

GosnoU, John Smith, Edward Wingfield, Christopher 
Newport, John Ratliffe, John Martin, and George Ken- 
dall, were named to be the council, and to choose a 
president among them for a year, who, with the council, 
should govern. Matters of moment were to be exam- 
ined by a jury, but determined by the major part of the 
council, in which the president had two voices. Until 
the 13th of May, they sought a place to plant ' in ; then 
the council was sworn, Mr. Wingfield was chosen presi- 
dent, and an oration made^ why Captain Smith was not 
admitted of the council as the rest. 

Nov/ falleth every man to work : the council contrive 
the fort, the rest cut down trees to make place to pitch 
their tents, some provide clapboard to relade the 
ships, some make gardens, some nets, &c. The savages 
often visited us kindly. The president's overweening 
jealousy ^ would admit no exercise at arms, or fortifica- 
tion but the boughs of trees cast together in the form 
of a half-moon. By the extraordinary pains and dili- 
gence of Captain Kendall, Newport, Smith, and twenty 
others, were sent to discover the head of the river.'* 
By divers small habitations they passed. In six days 
they arrive at a town called Powhatan, consisting of 
some twelve houses pleasantly seated on a hill, before 
it three fertile isles, about it many of their cornfields. 
The place is very pleasant, and strong by nature. Of 
this place the prince is called Powhatan, and his people 
Powhatans. To this place the river is navigable ; but 
higher within a mile, by reason of the rocks and isles, 
there is not passage for a small boat. This they call 

1 i.e., settle as planters. 2 jg., an explanation publicly given. 

3 Suspicion. * xhe James River. 



234 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH IN VIRGINIA. 

the falls. The people in all parts kindly entreated^ 
them, till, being returned within twenty miles of James- 
town, they gave just cause of jealousy. But had God 
not blessed the discoverers otherwise than those at the 
fort, there had then been an end of that plantation ; 
for at the fort, where they arrived the next day, they 
found seventeen men hurt, and a boy slain by the 
savages. And had it not chanced a cross-bar shot- 
fiom the ships struck down a bough from a tree 
amongst them, that caused them to retire, our men had 
all been slain, being securely all at work, and their 
arms in dry-vats.^ 

Hereupon the president was willing the fort should 
be palisaded,* the ordnance mounted, his men armed 
and exercised, for many were the assaults and ambus- 
cades of the savages ; and our men, by their disorderly 
straggling, were often hurt, when the savages, by the 
nimbleness of their heels, well escaped. What toil we 
had, with so small a power to guard our workmen 
a-days,^ watch all night, resist our enemies, and effect 
our business, to relade the ships, cut down trees, and 
prepare the ground to plant our corn, &c., I refer to 
the reader's consideration. 



II. — The Virginia Colonists. 

Being, for most part, of such tender educations, and 
small experience in martial accidents, because they 
found [neither] English cities, nor such fair houses, nor 

1 Treated. " Two cannon-balls joined by a short iron bar. 

' Baskets. •* Surrounded with pahsades. 5 gy (Jay. 



THE VIRGINIA COLONISTS. 235 

at their own wishes any of their accustomed dainties, 
with feather-beds and downy pillows, taverns and ale- 
houses in every breathing-place, neither such plenty of 
gold and silver, and dissolute liberty, as they expected, 
had little or no care of any thing but to . . . procure 
their means to return for England. For the country 
was to them a misery, a ruin, a death, a hell, and their 
reports here and their actions there according. 

Some other there were that had yearly stipends ^ to 
pass to and again for transportation. And those with 
their great words deluded the world with such strange 
promises as abused the business much worse than the 
rest. For the business being builded upon the founda- 
tion of their feigned experience, the planters, the money, 
and means have still miscarried ; yet they ever return- 
ing, and the planters so far absent, who could contra- 
dict their excuses ? Which, still to maintain their vain 
glory and estimation from time to time, have used such 
diligence as made them pass for truths, though nothing 
more false. And, that the adventurers might be thus 
abused, let no man wonder ; for the wisest living is 
soonest abused by him that hath a fair tongue and a 
dissembling heart. 

There were many in Virginia merely projecting, 
verbal and idle contemplators,- and those so devoted to 
pure idleness, that, though they had lived two or three 
years in Virginia, lordly necessity itself could not com- 
pel them to pass the peninsula or palisades of James- 
town ; and those witty spirits, what would they not 
affirm in behalf of our transporters ^ to get victual from 

1 Permission to go to and from Enp;land. 

" i.e., persons occupied in lazy contemplation. 

3 i.e., in appealing to the captains of transports, or vessels. 



236 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH IN VIRGINIA. 

their ships, or obtain their good words in England to 
get their passes ! Thus from the clamors and the influ- 
ence of false informers are sprung those disasters that 
sprung in Virginia ; and our ingenious verbalists ^ were 
no less a plague to us in Virginia than the locusts to 
the Egyptians. For the labor of twenty or thirty of the 
best only preserved in Christianity by their industry the 
idle lives of near two hundred of the rest, who, livino- 
near ten months of such natural means as the country 
naturally of itself affordeth. Notwithstanding all this, 
and the worst fury of the savages, the extremity of sick- 
ness, mutinies, faction, ignorances, and want of victual, 
in all that time I lost but seven or eight men, yet sub- 
jected the savages to our desired obedience, and received 
contribution from thirty-five of their kings, to protect 
and assist them against any that should assault them. 
In which order they continued true and faithful, and as 
subjects to his Majesty, so long after as I did govern 
there, until I left the country. 



III. — Smith captured by the Indians. 

And now the winter approaching, the rivers became 
so covered with swans, geese, ducks, and cranes, that 
we daily feasted with good bread, Virginia peas, pump- 
kins and putchamins,^ fish, fowl, and divers sorts of 
wild beasts as fat as we could eat them : so that none 
of our tuftaffatty humorists ^ desired to go for Eng- 
land. But our comedies never endured long without a 
tragedy ; some idle exceptions being muttered against 

1 Talkative people. - Persimmons. ^ Fantastic fellows. 



SMITH CAPTURED BY THE INDIANS. 



237 



Captain Smith for not discovering the head of Chicka- 
hamania' River, and taxed by the council to be too slow 
in so worthy an attempt. The next voyage he pro- 
ceeded so far, that, with much labor by cutting of trees 
asunder, he made his passage ; but, when his barge 
could pass no farther, he left her in a broad bay, out of 
danger of shot, commanding none should go ashore 
until his return. Himself, with two English and, two 
savages, went up higher in a canoe; but he was not 




^ a Vl t cor^pa^/ angly vs of tk •« 



OLD PRINT OF SMITH S CAPTURE. 



long absent. But his men went ashore, whose want 
of government gave both occasion and opportunity to 
the savages to surprise one George Cassen, whom they 
slew, and much failed not^ to have cut ofif the boat and 
all the rest. Smith, little dreaming of that accident, 
being got to the marshes at the river's head, twenty 
miles in the desert, had his two men slain, as is sup- 
posed, sleeping by the canoe, while himself, by fowling, 

1 Now Chickahominy. 2 i.e., came near doing it. 



238 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH IN VIRGINIA. 

sought them victuals ; who finding he was beset with 
two hundred savages, two of them he slew, still defend- 
ing himself with the aid of a savage, his guide, whom 
he bound to his arms with his garters, and used him as 
a buckler ; yet he was shot in his thigh a little, and had 
many arrows that stuck in his clothes, but no great 
hurt till at last they took him prisoner. When this 
news came to Jamestown, much was their sorrow for 
his loss, few expecting what ensued. Six or seven 
weeks those barbarians kept him prisoner, many strange 
triumphs and conjurations they made of him; yet he so 
demeaned himself among them, as he not only diverted 
them fromi surprising the fort, but procured his own 
liberty, and got himself and his company such estima- 
tion amongst them, that those savages admired him 
more than their own Quiyougkcosoucks.^ The manner 
how they used and delivered him is as followeth. 

The savages having drawn from George Cassen 
whither Capt. Smith was gone, prosecuting that oppor- 
tunity, they followed him with three hundred bow- 
men, conducted by the King of Pamaunkee, who in 
divisions, searching the turnings of the river, found 
Robinson and Emry by the fireside : those they shot 
full of arrows, and slew. Then finding the captain, as 
is said, that used the savage that was his guide as his 
shield, — three of them being slain, and divers others so 
galled, — all the rest would not come near him. Think- 
ing thus to have returned to his boat, regarding them, 
as he marched more than his way, slipped up to the 
middle in an oozy^ creek, and his savage with him; yet 
durst they not come to him, till, being near dead with 

1 Lesser gods. 2 Muddy. 



SMITH CAPTURED BY THE INDIANS. 239 

cold, he threw away his arms. Then according to their 
composition ' they drew him forth, and led him to the 
fire, where his men were slain. Diligently they chafed 
his benumbed limbs. 

He demanding for their captain, they showed him 
Opechankanough, King of Pamaunkee, to whom he 
gave a round ivory double compass-dial. Much they 
marvelled at the playing of the fly and needle, which 
they could see so plainly, and yet not touch it, because 
of the glass that covered them. But when he demon- 
strated by that globe-like jewel the roundness of the 
earth and skies, the sphere of the sun, moon, and 
stars, and how the sun did chase the night round about 
the world continually, the greatness of the land and 
sea, the diversity of nations, variety of complexions, 
and how we were to them antipodes, and many other 
such like matters, 'they all stood as amazed with admi- 
ration. Notwithstanding, without an hour after, they 
tied him to a tree, and as many as could stand about 
him prepared to shoot him; but, the king holding up 
the compass in his hand, they all laid down their bows 
and arrows, and in a triumphant manner led him to 
Orapaks, where he was after their manner kindly 
feasted, and well used. 

Their order in conducting him was thus : drawing 
themselves all in file, the king in the midst, had all 
their pieces and swords borne before him. Captain 
Smith was led after him by three great savages, hold- 
ing him fast by each arm ; and on each side six went 
in file with their arrows nocked.^ But arriving at the 

1 i.e., agreement. 

2 i.e., held with the notch against the strings, ready for use. 



240 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH IN VIRGINIA. 

town, — which was only thirty or forty hunting-houses 
made of mats, which they remove as they please, as we 
our tents, — all the women and children staring to 
behold him, the soldiers first, all in file, performed the 
form of a bissom ^ so well as could be ; and on each 
flank, officers as sergeants to see them keep their 
order. A good time they continued this exercise, and 
then cast themselves in a ring, dancing in such several 
postures, and singing and yelling out such hellish notes 
and screeches ; being strangely painted, every one his 
quiver of arrows, and at his back a club ; on his arm a 
fox or an otter's skin, or some such matter for his 
vambrace;- their heads and shoulders painted red with 
oil and pocones ^ mingled together, which scarlet-like 
color made an exceeding handsome show ; his bow in 
his hand, and the skin of a bird with her wings abroad 
dried, tied on his head, a piece of copper, a white shell, 
a long feather, with a small rattle growing at the tails 
of their snakes tied to it, or some such like toy. All 
this while. Smith and the king stood in the midst, 
guarded, as before is said ; and after three dances they 
all departed. Smith they conducted to a long house, 
where thirty or forty tall fellows did guard him ; and 
ere long more bread and venison was brought him than 
would have served twenty men. I think his stomach * 
at that time was not very good : what he left they put 
in baskets, and tied over his head. About midnight, 
they set the meat again before him, all this time not 

1 "Bissom," or '' Bishion," was a military term not now understood. 

2 Piece of armor to protect the lower part of the arm ; from the French 
avant-bras. Smith elsewhere calls it " braces." 

3 Puccoons. 4 i.e., appetite. 



CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH AND POCAHONTAS. 241 

one of them would eat a bit with him, till the next 
morning they brought him as much more ; and then did 
they eat all the old, and reserved the new as they had 
done the other, which made him think they would fat 
him to eat him. Yet in this desperate estate to defend 
him from the cold, one Maocassater brought him his 
gown, in requital of some beads and toys Smith had 
given him at his first arrival in Virginia. 



IV. — Captain John Smith and Pocahontas. 

[This narrative is taken from Smith's "General! Historie." It was 
possibly written by Captain Smith, but is now generally disbelieved by 
historical students, because it is inconsistsnt with an earlier account of the 
same events, also written by Smith, and because the incident is not men- 
tioned by Strachey, who also described the Virginia Colony.] 

Two days after, a man would have slain him — but 
that the guard prevented it — for the death of his son, 
to whom they conducted him to recover the poor man, 
then breathing his last. Smith told them that at 
Jamestown he had a water would do, if they would 
let him fetch it. But they would not permit that, 
but made all the preparations they could to assault 
Jamestown, craving his advice, and, for recompense, he 
should have life, liberty, land, and women. In part 
of a table book^ he wrote his mind to them at the 
fort, — what was intended, how they should follow that 
direction to affright the messengers, and without fail 
send him such things as he wrote for ; and an invento- 
ry with them. The difficulty and danger he told the 
1 Note-book, or book containing tables. 



242 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH IN VIRGINIA. 

savages, of the mines, great guns, and other engines, 
exceedingly affrighted them ; yet, according to his 
request, they went to Jamestown in as bitter weather 
as could be of frost and snow, and within three days 
returned with an answer. 

But when they came to Jamestown, seeing men sally 
out, as he had told them they would, they fled. Yet 
in the night they came again to the same place where 
he had told them they should receive an answer, and 
such things as he had promised them ; which they found 
accordingly, and with which they returned, with no 
small expedition, to the wonder of them all that heard 
it, that he could either divine, or the paper could 
speak. . . , 

Not long after, early in a morning, a great fire was 
made in a long house, and a mat spread on tlie one 
side as on the other. On the one they caused him to 
sit, and all the guard went out of the house ; and 
presently came skipping in a great grim fellow, all 
painted over with coal, mingled with oil, and many 
snakes' and weasels' skins stuffed with moss, and all 
their tails tied together, so as they met on the crown 
of his head in a tassel. And round about the tassel 
was as a coronet of feathers, the skins hanging round 
about his head, back, and shoulders, and in a manner 
covered his face ; with a hellish voice, and cr rattle in 
his hand. With most strange gestures and passions, he 
began his invocation, and environed the fire with a 
circle of meal ; which done, three more such like 
devils came rushing in with the like antic tricks, 
painted half black, half red ; but all their eyes were 
painted white, and some red strokes like mustaches 



CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH AND POCAHONTAS. 243 

along their cheeks. Round about him those fiends 
danced a pretty while ; and then came in three more 
as ugly as the rest, with red eyes, and white strokes 
over their black faces. At last they all sat down right 
against him, three of them on the one hand of the 
chief priest, and three on the other. Then all with 
their rattles began a song ; which ended, the chief priest 
laid down five wheat-corns ; then straining his arms 
and hands with such violence that he sweat, and his 
veins swelled, he began a short oration : at the con- 
clusion they all gave a short groan, and then laid down 
three grains more. After that began their song again, 
and then another oration, ever laying down so many 
corns as before, till they had twice encircled the fire. 
That done, they took a bunch of little sticks prepared 
for that purpose, continuing still their devotion ; and at 
the end of every song and oration they laid down a 
stick betwixt the divisions of corn. Till night, neither 
he nor they did either eat or drink, and then they 
feasted merrily, with the best provisions they could 
make. Three days they used this ceremony, the mean- 
inof whereof, thev told him, was to know if he intended 
them well or no. The circle of meal signified their 
county; the circles of corn, the boundaries of the sea; 
and the sticks, his country. They imagined the world 
to be flat and round like a trencher, and they in the 
middle. After this they brought him a bag of gun- 
powder, which they carefully preserved until the next 
spring, to plant, as they did their corn, because they 
would be acquainted with the nature of that seed. 
Opitchapam, the king's brother, invited him to his 
house, where, with as many platters of bread, fowl, and 



244 



CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH IN VIRGINIA. 



wild beasts as did environ him, he bid him welcome ; 
but not any of them would eat a bit with him, but put 
up all the remainder in baskets. . . . 




lu^Atcj- Pokahontasieji^rAis lift hi s i'hankfiUneJs 
ind how Ae Subiedii 29oftheir Vinss read yhlsioTI 



FACSIMILE ILLUSTRATION FROM SMITh's "GENERAL HISTORY.' 



At last they brought him to- Meronocomoco,^ M'here 
was Powhatan, their emperor. Here more than two 
hundred of those grim courtiers stood wondering at 



1 Sometimes called '' Werawocomoco," supposed to be en the north 
side of Pamaunkee, now York River, at a place still called " Powhatan's 
Chimney." 



CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH AND POCAHONTAS. 245 

him, as he had been a monster, till Powhatan and his 
train had put themselves in their greatest braveries.^ 
Before a fire, upon a seat like a bedstead, he sat, 
covered with a great robe made of raccoon-skins, and 
all the tails hanging by. On either hand did sit a young 
wench of sixteen or eighteen years, and along on each 
side the house two rows of men, and behind them as 
many women, with all their heads and shoulders painted 
red, many of their heads bedecked with the white down 
of birds ; but every one with something ; and a great 
chain of white beads about their necks. At his entrance 
before the king, all the people gave a great shout. The 
Queen of Appamatuck ^ was appointed to bring him 
water to wash his hands ; and another brought him a 
bunch of feathers, instead of a towel, to dry them. 
Having feasted him after the best barbarous manner 
they could, a long consultation was held ; but the con- 
clusion was, two great stones were brought before 
Powhatan. Then as many as could laid hands on him,^ 
dragged him to them, and thereon laid his head ; and 
being ready with their clubs to beat out his brains, 
Pocahontas, the king's dearest daughter, when no en- 
treaty could prevail, got his head in her arms, and laid 
her own upon his, to save him from death.'' Whereat 

1 Showy garments. 2 Appomattox. ^ Smith. 

4 Captain Smith, in another narrative relating to this same period, 
describes Pocahontas as "a child of ten years old, which, not only for 
feature, countenance, and proportion, much exceedeth any of the rest of 
his people, but for wit and spirit the only nonpareil of his country." 
Nonpareil means unequalled. But Strachey, the secretary of the colony, 
gives a less poetical description of Pocahontas, describing her as a wild and 
ungoverned child, playing rather rudely about the fort with other children. 
See an article called " The True Pocahontas," in Scribners Monthly for 
May, 1876. 



246 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH IX VIRGINIA. 

the emperor was contented he should live to make him 
hatchets, and her bells, beads, and copper; for they 
thought him as well ^ of all occupations as themselves. 
For the king himself will make his own robes, shoes, 
bows, arrows, pots ; plant, hunt, or do any thing so well 
as the rest. . . . 

Two days after. Powhatan, having disguised himself 
in the most fearfulest manner he could, caused Captain 
Smith to be brought forth to a great house in the woods, 
and there, upon a mat by the hre. to be left alone. Not 
long after, from behind a mat that divided the house 
was made the most dolefulest noise he ever heard ; then 
Powhatan, more like a devil than a man. with some two 
hundred more as black as himself, came unto him, and 
told him now they were friends, and presently he should 
go to Jamestown, to send him two great guns and a 
grindstone, for which he would give him the country 
of Capahowosick, and forever esteem him as his son 
Xantaquond. So to J^imestown with twelve guides 
Powhatan sent him. That night they quartered in the 
woods, he still expecting — as he had done all this long 
time of his imprisonment — every hour to be put to one 
death or other, for all their feasting. But Almighty 
God by his divine proWdence had mollified the hearts 
of those stern barbarians with compassion. The next 
morning betimes, they came to the fort, where Smith, 
having used the savages with what kindness he could, 
he showed Rawhunt, Powhatan's trustv servant, two 
demi-culverins - and a millstone, to carr}- Powhatan. 
They found them somewhat too hea\y ; but when they 
did see him discharge them, being loaded with stones, 
1 i.e., as well skilled. - Cannon. 



KING POWHATAX. 247 

among the boughs of a great tree loaded with icicles, 
the ice and branches came so tumbling down, that the 
poor savages ran away half dead with fear. But at 
last we regained some conference ^ w^th them, and gave 
them such toys, and sent to Powhatan, his women, and 
children, such presents, as gave them, in general, full 
content. 

V. — King Powhatan. 

He is a £:oodlv old man, not vet shrinkinor, though 
well beaten with many cold and stormy winters, in 
which he hath been patient of many necessities and 
attempts of his fortune to make his name and family 
great. He is supposed to be little less than eighty 
years old, I dare not say how much more. Others say 
he is of a tall stature and clean limbs, of a sad aspect, 
round, fat-visaged. with gray hairs, but plain and thin, 
hanging upon his broad shoulders ; some few hairs 
upon his chin, and so on his upper lip. He hath been a 
strong and able savage, sinew}', and of a daring spirit, 
vigilant, ambitious, subtile to enlarsre his dominions. 
. . . Cruel he hath been, and quarrelsome, as well with 
his own weroances- for trifles, and that to strike a terror 
and awe into them of his power and condition, as also 
with his neighbors, in his younger days, though now 
delighted in securit}' and pleasure. . . . 

Watchful he is over us, and keeps good espial ^ upon 
our proceedings, concerning which he hath his senti- 
nels, that — at what time soever any of our boats, pin- 

1 i.e.. resumed our inteniew. 

2 Subordinate chiefs. s Watch. 



24^ CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH IN VIRGINIA. 

naces, or ships come in, fall clown, or make up the river 
— give the alarm, and take it quickly one from the 
other, until it reach and come even to the court or 
hunting-house, wheresoever he and \\\s n'o?ioccoi's, that 
is, councillors and priests, are ; and then he calls to ad- 
vise, and gives out directions what is to be done. . . . 
About his person ordinarily attendeth a guard of forty 
or fifty of the tallest men his country do afford. Every 
night, upon the four quarters of his house, are four 
sentinels drawn forth, each standing from other a 
flight-shot;^ and at every half-hour, one from the corps 
de garde- doth halloo, unto whom every sentinel returns 
answer round from his stand : if any fail, an officer is 
presently sent forth that beateth him extremely. 

The word wcroance, which we call and construe for a 
king, is a common word, whereby they call all com- 
manders ; for they have but few words in their lan- 
guage, and but few occasions to use any officers more 
than one commander, which commonly they call wcroancc. 

It is strange to see with what great fear and adora- 
tion all this people do obey this Powhatan ; for at his 
feet they present whatsoever he commandeth : and at 
the least frown of his brow the greatest will tremble, 
it may be because he is very terrible and inexorable 
in punishing such as offend him. . . . And sure it is 
to be wondered at, how such a barbarous and uncivil 
prince should take unto him — adorned and set forth 
with no great outward ornament and munificence — a 
form and ostentation of such majesty as he expresseth, 
which oftentimes strikes awe and sufficient M^onder in 
our people presenting themselves before him. 

1 Arrow-shot, or bow-shot. ^ Body-guard. 



A VIRGINIA PRINCESS. 249 



VI. — A Virginia Princess. 

Nor is [she] so handsome a savage woman as I have 
seen amongst them, yet with a kind of pride can take 
upon her a show of greatness ; for we have seen her 
forbear to come out of her quintan^ or boat, through 
the water, as the other, both maids and married women, 
usually do, unless she were carried forth between two 
of her servants. I was once early at her house — it 
being summer time — when she was laid without doors, 
under the shadow of a broad-leaved tree, upon a pallet 
of osiers, spi'ead over with four or five fine gray mats, 
herself covered with a fair white dressed deerskin or 
two ; and, when she rose, she had a maid who fetched 
her a frontall ^ of white coral, and pendants of great but 
imperfect colored and worse drilled pearls, which she 
put into her ears, and a chain with long links of copper, 
which they call tapoantaminais, and which came twice 
or thrice about her neck, and they account a jolly 
ornament. And sure thus attired, with some variety of 
feathers and flowers stuck in their hairs, they seem as 
debonaire, quaint, and well pleased as ... a daughter 
of the house of Austria ^ decked with all her jewels. 
Likewise, her maid fetched her a mantle, which they 
call piittawus, which is like a side cloak, made of blue 
feathers, so artificially and thick sewed together, that it 
seemed like a deep purple satin, and is very smooth 
and sleek ; and after, she brought her water for her 
hands, and then a branch or two of fresh green ashen 
leaves, as for a towel to dry them. 

1 Ornament for the forehead, or front. '^ An Austrian princess. 



CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH IN VIRGINIA. 



VII. — An Indian Dance in Virginia. 

As for their dancing, the sport seems unto them, and 
the use, ahnost as frequent and necessary as their meat 
and drink, in which they consume much time, and for 
which they appoint many and often meetings, and have 
therefore, as it were, set orgies' or festivals for the 
same pastime, as have yet at this day the merry Greeks. 




NDIAN DANCE. 



... At our colony's first sitting down amongst them, 
when any of our people repaired ^ to their towns, the 
Indians would not think they had expressed their wel- 
come sufficiently enough, until they had showed them a 
dance, the manner of which is thus. One of them 
standeth by, with some fur or leather thing in his left 
hand, upon which he beats with his right hand, and 
sings withal, as if he began the choir, and kept unto the 
rest their just time ; when upon a certain stroke or more, 
— as upon his cue or time to come in, — one riseth up, 

1 Regular entertainments. 2 Went. 



INDIAN CHILDREN IN VIRGINIA. 2' I 

and begins to dance. After he hath danced a while, 
steps forth another, as if he came in just upon his rest ; 
and in this order all of them, so many as there be, one 
after another, who then dance an equal distance from 
each other in ring, shouting, howling, and stamping 
their feet against the ground with such force and pain, 
that they sweat again, and with all varieties of strange 
mimic tricks and distorted faces, making so confused a 
yell and noise as so many frantic and disquieted bac- 
chanals ; and sure they will keep stroke just with their 
feet to the time he gives, and just one with another, 
but with the hands, head, face, and body, every one 
hath a several gesture. And those who have seen the 
dervishes in their holy dances, in their mosques, upon 
Wednesdays and Fridays in Turkey, may resemble' 
these unto them. You shall find the manner expressed 
in the figure. 

VIII. — Indian Children in Virginia. 

To make the children hardy, in the coldest mornings 
they wash them in the rivers, and by paintings and oint- 
ments so tan their skins, that, after a year or two, no 
weather will hurt them. As also, to practise their chil- 
dren in the use of their bows and arrows, the mothers 
do not give them their breakfast in a morning before 
they have hit a mark which she appoints them to shoot 
at ; and commonly, so cunning they will have them, as 
throwing up in the air a piece of moss, or some such 
light thing, the boy must with his arrow meet it in the 
fall, and hit it, or else he shall not have his breakfast. 

1 Compare. 



252 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH IN VIRGINIA. 

Both men, women, and children have their several 
names ; at first, according to the several humor of their 
parents. And for the men-children, at first, when they 
are young, their mothers give them a name, calling 
them by some affectionate title, or, perhaps, observing 
their promising inclination, give it accordingly ; and so 
the great King Powhatan called a young daughter of 
his whom he loved well, Pocahontas, which may signify 
" little wanton ; " ^ howbeit, she was rightly called Amo- 
nate at more ripe years. When they become able to 
travel into the woods, and to go forth a hunting, fowl- 
ing, and fishing with their fathers, the fathers give him 
another name, as he finds him apt, and of spirit to prove 
toward^ and valiant, or otherwise, changing the mother's 
[name], which yet in the family is not so soon for- 
gotten. And if so be, it be by agility, strength, or any 
extraordinary strain of wit, he performs any remarkable 
or valorous exploit in open act of arms, or by strata- 
gem, especially in the time of extremity in the wars for 
the public and common state, upon the enemy, the 
king, taking notice of the same, doth then, not only in 
open view and solemnly, reward him with some present 
of copper, or chain of pearl and beads, but doth then 
likewise — and w^hich they take for the most eminent 
and supreme favor — give him a name answerable to 
the attempt, not much differing herein from the ancient 
warlike encouragement and order of the Romans to a 
well-deserving and gallant young spirit. 

1 Gay, or frolicsome. ^ Capable. 



THE PLANTERS PLEASURE AND PROFIT. 253 



IX. — " The Planter's Pleasure and Profit." 

There are who delight extremely in vain pleasure, 
that take much more pains in England to enjoy it 
than I should do here to gain wealth sufficient : and yet 
I think they should not have half such sweet content ; 
for our pleasure here is still gain, in England charges 
and loss. Here nature and liberty afford us that freely 
which in England we want, or it costeth us dearly. 
What pleasure can be more than being tired with any 
occasion ashore, in planting vines, fruits, or herbs ; in 
contriving their own ground to the pleasure of their own 
minds, their fields, gardens, orchards, buildings, ships, 
and other works, &:c. ; to recreate themselves before 
their own doors, in their own boats upon the sea, where 
man, woman, and child, with a small hook and line, by 
angling, may take divers sorts of excellent fish at their 
pleasures } And is it not pretty sport to pull up two- 
pence, sixpence, and twelvepence as fast as you can 
haul and veer a line ? He is a veiy bad fisher [who] 
cannot kill in one day, with his hook and line, one, two, 
or three hundred cods ; which dressed and dried, if 
they be sold there for ten shillings a hundred, though 
in England they will give more than twenty, may not 
both servant, master, and merchant be well content with 
this gain ? If a man work but three days in seven, he 
may get more than he can spend, unless he will be ex- 
ceedingly excessive. Now that carpenter, mason, gar- 
dener, tailor, smith, sailor, forger, or what other — may 
they not make this a very pretty recreation, though they 
fish but an hour in a dav, to take more than thev can 



254 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH IN VIRGINIA. 

eat in a week ; or if they will not eat it, because there 
is so much better choice, yet sell it, or change it with 
the fishermen or merchants, for any thing you want ? 
And what sport doth yield a more pleasing content, and 
less hurt and charge, than angling with a hook, and 
crossing the sweet air from isle to isle, over the silent 
streams of a calm sea, wherein the most curious may 
find profit, pleasure, and content ? 

Thus, though all men be not fishers, yet all men 
whatsoever may in other matters do as well, for neces- 
sity doth in these cases so rule a commonwealth, and 
each in their several functions, as their labors, in their 
qualities, may be as profitable, because there is a neces- 
sary mutual use of all. 

For gentlemen, what exercise should more delight 
them than ranging daily these unknown parts, using 
fowling and fishing for ^ hunting and hawking .? and yet 
you shall see the wild hawks give you some pleasure in 
seeing them stoop six or seven times after one another, 
an hour or two together, at the skults ^ of fish in the fair 
harbors, as those ashore at a fowl, and never trouble 
nor torment yourselves with watching, mewing,^ feeding, 
and attending them, nor kill horse and man with run- 
ning, and crying, " See you not a hawk ? " For hunt- 
ing, also, the woods, lakes, and rivers afford not only 
chase sufficient for any that delights in that kind of toil 
or pleasure, but such beasts to hunt, that, besides the 
delicacy of their bodies for food, their skins are so rich 
as they will recompense thy daily labor with a captain's 
pay. 

1 i.e., instead of. 2 Shoals. ^ Confining. 



THE GLORIES OF FISHING. 



255 



X. — The Glories of Fishing. 

The main staple from hence to be extracted, for the 
present, to produce the rest, is fish ; which, however it 
may seem a mean and base commodity, yet who will 
but truly take the pains, and consider the sequel, I think 
will allow it well worth the labor. It is strano:e to see 




COD-FISHING. 



what great adventures the hopes of setting forth men- 
of-war to rob the industrious innocent would procure. 
. . . But who doth not know that the poor Hollanders, 
chiefly by fishing, at a great charge and labor, in all 
weathers in the open sea, are made a people so hardy 
and industrious ? and by the sending this poor com- 
modity to the Easterlings ^ for as mean,^ which is 
wood, flax, pitch, tar, rosin, cordage, and such like, — 

1 Eastern merchants, as the Germans and Danes. 

2 i.e., for other commodities as mean. 



256 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH IN VIRGINIA. 

which they exchange again to the French, Spaniards, 
Portuguese, and EngUsh, &t:., for what they want, — are 
made so mighty, strong, and rich, as no state but Venice, 
of twice their magnitude, is so well furnished with so 
many fair cities, goodly towns, strong fortresses, and 
that abundance of shipping and all sorts of merchan- 
dise, as well of gold, silver, diamonds, precious stones, 
silks, velvets, and cloth-of-gold, as fish, pitch, wood, 
or such gross commodities ? What voyages and dis- 
coveries, east and west, north and south, yea, about 
the world, make they! What an army, by sea and 
land, have they long maintained in despite of one of 
the greatest princes of the world ! And never could 
the Spaniard, with all his mines of gold and silver, pay 
his debts, his friends and army,' half so truly as the 
Hollanders still have done by this contemptible trade 
of fish. ... 

You shall scarce find any bay, shallow shore, or cove 
of sand, where you may not take many clams, or 
lobsters, or both, at your pleasure, and in many places 
load your boat, if you please ; nor isles where you find 
not fruits, birds, crabs, and mussels, or all of them, for 
taking, at a low water. And, in the harbors we fre- 
quented, a little boy might take of cunners and pin- 
nacks/ and such delicate fish, at the ship's stern, more 
than six or ten can eat in a day, but with a casting- 
net, thousands when we pleased ; and scarce any place, 
but cod, cusk, halibut mackerel, skate, or such like, a 
man may take with a hook or line what he will. And 
in divers sandy bays a man may draw with a net great 
store of mullets, bass, and divers other sorts of such 

1 Pollocks. 



VISIT OF POCAHONTAS TO LONDON. 257 

excellent fish, as many as his net can draw on shore. 
No river where there is not plenty of sturgeon, or 
salmon, or both ; all which are to be had in abundance, 
observing but their seasons. But if a man will go at 
Christmas to gather cherries in Kent, he may be de- 
ceived, though there be plenty in summer. So here 
these plenties have each their seasons, as I have ex- 
pressed. We, for the mo^t part, had little but bread and 
vinegar ; and though the most part of July, when the 
fishing decayed, they wrought ^ all day, lay abroad in the 
isles all night, and lived on what they found, yet were 
not sick. But I would wish none put himself long to 
such plunges, except necessity constrain it. Yet worthy 
is that person to starve that here cannot live, if he 
have sense, strength, and^ health. 



XL — Visit of Pocahontas to London in 1617. 

During this time, the Lady Rebecca, alias Pocahon- 
tas, daughter to Powhatan, by the diligent care of 
Master John Rolfe, her husband, and his friends, was 
taught to speak such English as might well be under- 
stood, well instructed in Christianity, and was become 
very formal and civil after our English manner. She 
had also, by him, a child, which she loved most dearly ; 
and the treasurer and company took order, both for 
the maintenance of her and it. Besides, there were 
divers persons of great rank and quality had been 
very kind to her ; and, before she arrived at London, 
Captain Smith, to deserve her former courtesies, made 
1 Worked. 



258 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH IN VIRGINIA. 

her qualities known to the queen's most excellent 
majesty and her court, and wrote a little book to this 
effect to the queen, an abstract whereof followeth : — 

To THE Most High and Virtuous Princess, Queen Anne 
OF Great Britain. 

Most Admired Queen, — The love I bear my God, 
my king and country, hath so oft emboldened me 
in the worst of extreme dangers, that now honesty 
doth constrain me [to] presume thus far beyond myself 
to present your Majesty this short discourse. If in- 
gratitude be a deadly poison to all honest virtue, I 
must be guilty of that crime, if I should omit any 
means to be thankful. So it is, 

That some ten years ago, being in Virginia, and 
taken prisoner by the power of Powhatan, their chief 
king, I received from this great savage exceeding great 
courtesy, especially from his son Nantaquond, the most 
manliest, comeliest, boldest spirit I ever saw in a 
savage, and his sister Pocahontas, the king's most 
dear and well-beloved daughter, — being but a child of 
twelve or thirteen years of age, whose compassionate, 
pitiful heart of my desperate estate gave me much 
cause to respect her, I being the first Christian this 
proud king and his grim attendants ever saw. And, 
thus enthralled in their barbarous power, I cannot say 
I felt the least occasion of want that was in the power 
of those my mortal foes to prevent, notwithstanding 
all their threats. After some six weeks' fatting amongst 
those savage courtiers, at the minute of my execution, 
she hazarded the beating out of her own brains to 
save mine ; and not only that, but so prevailed with 



VISIT OF POCAHONTAS TO LONDON. 259 

her father, that I was safely conducted to Jamestown, 
where I found about eight and thirty miserable, poor, 
and sick creatures, to keep possession of all those 
large territories of Virginia. Such was the weakness 
of this poor commonwealth, as, had the savages not 
fed us, we directly had starved. 

And this relief, most gracious Queen, was commonly 
brought us by this lady, 
Pocahontas. Notwithstand- 
ing all these passages, when 
inconstant fortune turned 
our peace to war, this tender 
virgin would still not spare 
to dare to visit us, and by 
her our jars have been oft 
appeased, and our wants 
still supplied. Were it the 
policy of her father thus to 

employ her, or the ordinance \ ' ;^ ^r» S'^r.i^P?^^^" 
of God thus to make her 

POCAHONTAS. 

his instrument, or her extra- 
ordinary affection to our nation, I know not. But 
of this I am sure ; when her father, with the utmost 
of his policy and power, sought to surprise me, hav- 
ing but eighteen with me, the dark night could not 
affright her from coming through the irksome woods; 
and with watered eyes gave me intelligence, with her 
best advice to escape his fury, which had he known, 
he had surely slain her. Jamestown, with her wild 
train, she as freely frequented as her father's habita- 
tion ; and, during the time of two or three years, she, 
next under God, was still the instrument to preserve 




26o CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH IN VIRGINIA. 

this colony from death, famine, and utter confusion, 
which, if in those times, had once been dissolved, Vir- 
ginia might have lain as it was at our first arrival to 
this day. Since then, this business having been turned 
and varied by many accidents from that I left it at, 
it is most certain, after a long and troublesome war 
after my departure, betwixt her father and our colony, 
all which time she was not heard of, about two 
years after, she herself was taken prisoner, being so 
detained near two years longer. The colony by that 
means was relieved, peace concluded, and at last, re- 
jecting her barbarous condition, [she] was married to 
an English gentleman, with whom at this present she 
is in England ; the first Christian ever of that nation, 
the first Virginian ever spoke English, or had a child 
in marriage by an Englishman, — a matter surely, if 
my meaning be truly considered and well understood, 
worthy a princess' understanding. 

Thus, most gracious lady, I have related to your 
Majesty, what, at your best leisure, our approved his- 
tories will account you at large, and done in the time 
of your Majesty's life ; and, however this might be 
presented you from a more worthy pen, it cannot from 
a more honest heart. As yet I never begged any thing 
of the state, or any ; and if my want of ability, and 
her exceeding desert, your birth, means, and authority, 
her birth, virtue, want, and simplicity, doth make me 
thus bold, humbly to beseech your Majesty to take 
this knowledge of her, though it be from one so un- 
worthy to be the reporter as myself . . . And so I 
humbly kiss your gracious hands. 

Being about this time preparing to set sail for New 



VISIT OF POCAHONTAS TO LONDON. 26 1 

England, I could not stay to do her that service I 
desired, and she well deserved ; but, hearing she was at 
Branford with divers of my friends, I went to see her. 
After a modest salutation, without any word, she turned 
about, obscured her face, as not seeming well contented ; 
and in that humor her husband, with divers others, 
we all left her two or three hours, repenting myself to 
have written she could speak English. But not long 
after, she began to talk, and remembered me well what 
courtesies she had done, saying, " You did promise 
Powhatan what was yours should be his, and he the like 
to you. You called him father, being in his land a 
stranger, and by the same reason so must I do you." 
Which, though I would have excused, I durst not allow 
of that title, because she was a king's daughter. With 
a well-set countenance she said, " Were you not afraid 
to come into my father's country, and caused fear in him 
and all his people, — but me, — and fear you here I 
should call you father ? I tell you, then, I will, and you 
shall call me child ; and so I will be for ever and ever- 
your countryman. They did tell us always you were 
dead ; and I knew no other till I came to Plymouth. 
Yet Powhatan did command Vetamatomakkin to seek 
you, and know the truth, because your countrymen will 
lie much." 

This savage, one of Powhatan's council, being 
amongst them held an understanding fellow, the king 
purposely sent him to number the people here, and inform 
him well what we were, and our state. Arriving at 
Plymouth, according to his directions, he got a long 
stick, whereon by notches he did think to have kept the 
number of all the men he could see ; but he was quickly 



262 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH IN VIRGINIA. 

weary of that task. Coming to London, where by 
chance I met him, having renewed our acquaintance, 
where many were desirous to hear and see his behavior, 
he told me Powhatan did bid him to find me out, to 
show him our God, the king, queen, and prince I so 
much had told them of. Concerning God I told him 
the best I could ; the king I heard he had seen ; and 
the rest he should see when he would. He denied ever 
to have seen the king, till by circumstances he was 
satisfied he had. Then he replied very sadly, " You 
gave Powhatan a white dog, which Powhatan fed as 
himself ; but your king gave me nothing, and I am 
better than your white dog." 

The small time I staid in London, divers courtiers 
and others my acquaintances hath gone with me to see 
her, that generally concluded they did think God had a 
great hand in her conversion ; and they have seen many 
English ladies worse favored, proportioned, and behaved. 
And, as since I have heard, it pleased both the king's 
and queen's Majesty honorably to esteem her, accom- 
panied with that honorable lady, the Lady De la Ware, 
and that honorable lord, her husband, and divers other 
persons of good qualities, both publicly at the masques, 
and otherwise, to her great satisfaction and content ; 
which doubtless she would have deserved, had she lived 
to arriv^e in Virginia. 

The treasurer, council, and company having well 
furnished Captain Samuel Argall, the lady Pocahontas 
alias Rebecca, with her husband and others, in the good 
ship called " The George," it pleased God at Gravesend 
to take this young lady to his mercy, where she made 



FIRST BUILDINGS OF THE VIRGINIA COLONISTS. 263 

not more sorrow for her unexpected death than joy to 
the beholders to hear and see her make so religious 
and godly an end. Her littl-e child, Thomas Rolfe, 
therefore was left at Plymouth with Sir Lewis Stukely 
that desired the keeping of it. 



XII. — First Buildings of the Virginia Colonists. 

[This description was written by Smith in the last year of his life, 
-1631.] 

When I went first to Virginia, I well remember we 
did hang an awning — which is an old sail — to three 
or four trees to shadow us from the sun. Our walls 
were rails of wood, our seats unhewed trees till we cut 
planks, our pulpit a bar of wood nailed to two neigh- 
boring trees. In foul weather we shifted into an old 
rotten tent, for we had few better ; and this came by the 
way of adventure ^ for new. This was our church till 
we built a homely thing like a barn, set upon crotchets, 
covered with rafts, sedge, and earth : so was also the 
walls. The best of our houses [were] of the like curi- 
osity,- but the most part far much worse workmanship, 
that could neither well defend ^ wind nor rain ; yet we 
had daily common prayer morning and evening, every 
Sunday two sermons, and every three months the holy 
communion, till our minister died. But our prayers 
daily, with an homily on Sundays, we continued two or 
three years after, till more preachers came. . . . 

Notwithstanding, out of the relics of our miseries, 
time and experience had brought that country to a 

1 Trade. 2 Equally curious. 3 Keep out. 



264 CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH IN VIRGINIA. 

great happiness, had they not so much doted on their 
tobacco, on whose furnish^ foundation there is small 
stability ; there being so many good commodities be- 
sides. 



XIII. — Captain John Smith's Recollections of 
HIS own Life. 

[Also written in the last year of his life, — 1631.] 

The wars in Europe, Asia, and Africa, taught me how 
to subdue the wild savages in Virginia and New England 
in America. . . . Having been a slave to the Turks, 
prisoner amongst the most barbarous savages ; after my 
deliverance commonly discovering and ranging those 
large rivers and unknown nations, with such a handful 
of ignorant companions, that the wiser sort often gave 
me for lost ; always in mutinies, wants, and miseries ; 
blown up with gunpowder ; a long time prisoner among 
the French pirates, from w^hom escaping in a little boat 
by myself, and adrift all such a stormy winter night, when 
their ships were split, more 'than an hundred thousand 
pound lost, we had taken at sea, and most of them 
drowned upon the Isle of Ree,^ not far from whence I was 
driven on shore in my little boat, &c. ; and many a score 
of the worst of winter months lived in the fields ; yet to 
have lived near thirty-seven years in the midst of wars, 
pestilence, and famine, by which many an hundred 
•thousand have died about me, and scarce five living of 
them went first with me to Virginia, and see the fruits 

1 Smoky. 2 R^ or Rhe. 



smith's recollections of his own life. 265 

of my labors thus well begin to prosper, — though I have 
but my labor for my pains, have I not much reason 
both privately and publicly to acknowledge it, and give 
God thanks, whose omnipotent power only delivered me 
to do the utmost of my best to make his name known 
in those remote parts of the world, and his loving mercy 
to such a miserable sinner ? 



BOOK XII. 

CHAMPLAIN ON THE WAR-PATH. 

(a.d. 1609.) 



This passage is taken from " Voyages de la Nouvelle France, par le 
Sieiir de Champlain," Paris, 1632, as translated in O'Callaghan's "Docu- 
mentary History of the State of New York," vol. iii. p. 3. 

Parkman gives a full account of Champlain's adventures, in the latter 
half of his'" Pioneers of France in the New World," from p. 165 onward. 



CHAMPLAIN ON THE WAR-PATH. 



Champlatn on the War-Path. 

[This narrative is of great interest, as showing the mode of early Indian 
warfare, and tlie way in which the French at once modified it by teaching 
them the use of fire-arms. It also illustrates the way in which the French 
explored the interior of the country, even before the English had colo- 
nized the coasts, thus giving rise to that dispute out of which grew the 
series of French and Indian wars, Samuel de Champlain first sailed for 
America in 1603, and was the founder and governor of Quebec] 

I LEFT the rapid ^ of the said River of the Iroquois 
on the 2d of July (1609). All the savages ^ began 
carrying their canoes, arms, and traps over land, about 
a league and a half, to avoid the current and force of 
the rapid. This was quickly effected. 

They immediately launched the canoes into the 
water, two men in each with their baggage, whilst one 
of the men went by land about a league and a half, 
which was the probable extent of said rapid, though 
not so violent as at the foot, except at some points 
where rocks obstructed the "river, which is no more 

1 Now Chambly, Canada East. 2 ^ tribe of Algonquins. 

269 



270 CHAMPLAIN ON THE WAR-PATH. 

than three to four hundred paces wide. After the 
rapid was passed, though not without trouble, all the 
Indians who had gone by land over a pretty good road 
and level country, though covered with timber, re-em- 
barked in their canoes. My men were also on land, 
and I on the water, in a canoe. They reviewed all 
their force, and found twenty four canoes with sixty 
men. After having completed their review, we contin- 
ued our journey as far as an island, three leagues long, 

covered with the finest pines 
I ever beheld. They hunted, 
and caught some wild ani- 
mals there. Passing thence 
about three leagues farther 
on, we camped, in order to 
rest for the night. 

Forthwith some began to 
cut down timber, others to 
pull off bark to cover lodges 
to shelter them, others to 

CHAMPLAIN. r 11 1 ^ '^1 1 • 1 j_ 

fell large trees with which to 
barricade their lodges on the shore They know so 
well how to construct these barricades, that five hun- 
dred of their enemies would find considerable difficulty 
in forcing them, in less than two hours, without great 
loss. They do not fortify the side of the river along 
which their canoes are ranged, so as to be able to 
embark, should occasion require. 

After they had camped, they despatched three canoes 
with nine scood men, as is their custom at all their en- 
campments, to reconnoitre within two or three leagues, 
if they see any thing; after which they retire. They 




CHAMPLAIN ON THE WAR-PATH. 27 1 

depend the whole night on the exploration of the van- 
guard, which is a bad habit of theirs ; for sometimes 
their enemies surprise them asleep, and kill them, with- 
out [their] having an opportunity of recovering their feet 
to defend themselves. 

Remarking that, I remonstrated with them against 
the error they committed ; told them to watch, as they 
saw us do, all night, and to have outposts to spy and 
see if they could perceive any thing, and not to live in 
that style, like cattle. They told me they couldn't 
watch, and that they labored all day hunting. So that, 
when they go to war, they divide their force into three : 
to wit, one party, scattered in divers places, hunting; 
another forms the main body, which is always under 
arms ; and another party as a vanguard, to scout along 
the river, and see whether they will not discover some 
trail or mark indicating the passage of friends or 
enemies. This they ascertain by certain marks the 
chiefs of one nation give to those of another, which 
are not always alike, notifying each other from time to 
time when they alter any. By this means, they recog- 
nize whether those who have passed are friends or 
enemies. 

The hunters never hunt in advance of the main body, 
or the scouts, so as not to create any alarm or dis- 
order, but in the rear, and in the direction where they 
do not apprehend enemies. They thus continue until 
they are two or three days' journey from the foe, when 
they advance stealthily by night, all in a body, except 
the scouts, and retire by day into the picket-fort, where 
they repose, without wandering abroad, making any 
noise, or building a fire, even for cooking, during that 



272 CHAMPLAIN ON THE WAR-PATH. 

time, so as not to be discovered, should their enemies 
happen to pass. The only fire they make is to smoke. 
They eat dried Indian meal, which they steep in water, 
like porridge. They prepare this meal for use when 
they are pinched, and when they are near the enemy, 
or when retreating. After these attacks, they do not 
amuse themselves hunting, retreating precipitately. . . . 

We left next day, continuing our route along the 
river as far as the lake.-^ Here are a number of beau- 
tiful but low islands, filled with very fine woods and 
prairies, a quantity of game and wild animals, such as 
stags, deer, fawns, roebucks, bears, and other sorts of 
animals that come from the mainland to the said 
islands. We caught a quantity of them. There is also 
quite a number of beavers, as well in the river as in 
several other streams which fall into it. These parts, 
though agreeable, are not inhabited by any Indians, 
in consequence of their wars. They retire from the 
livers as far as possible, deep into the country, in 
order not to be so soon discovered. 

Next day, we entered the lake, which is of consid- 
erable extent, some fifty or sixty leagues, where I saw 
four beautiful islands, ten, twelve, and fifteen leagues 
in length, formerly inhabited, as well as the Iroquois 
River, by Indians, but abandoned since they have been 
at war the one with the other. Several rivers, also, 
discharge into the lake, surrounded by a number of 
fine trees similar to those we have in France, with a 
quantity of vines handsomer than any I ever saw ; a 
great many chestnuts ; and I had not yet seen, except 
1 Lake Champlain- 



CHAMPLAIN OX THE WAR-PATH. 273 

the margin of the lake, where there is a larger abun- 
dance of fish of clivers species. Among the rest there 
is one called by the Indians of the country chaousa- 
rou^ of divers lengths. The largest, I was informed 
by the people, are of eight to ten feet. I saw one of 
five, as thick as a thigh, with a head as big as two fists, 
with jaws two feet and a half long, and a double set of 
very sharp and dangerous teeth. The form of the 
body resembles that of the pike ; and it is armed with 
scales that the thrust of a poniard cannot pierce ; and 
it is of a silver gray-color. The point of the snout is 
like that of a hog. This fish makes war on all others 
in the lakes and rivers, and possesses^ as these people 
assure, a wonderful instinct; which is, that, when it 
wants to catch any birds, it goes among the rushes or 
reeds bordering the lake in many places, keeping the 
beak out of the water without budging; so that when 
birds perch on the beak, imagining it a limb of a tree, 
it is so subtle, that, closing the jaws which it keeps half 
open, it draws the birds under water by the feet. The 
Indians gave me a head of it, which they prize highly, 
saying, when they have a headache, they let blood with 
the teeth of this fish at the seat of the pain, which im- 
mediately goes away. 

Continuing our route along the west side of the lake, 
contemplating the country, I saw on the east side very 
high mountains capped with snow. I asked the Indians 
if those parts were inhabited. They answered me yes, 
and that they were Iroquois, and that there were in 
those parts beautiful valleys, and fields fertile in corn 
as good as I had ever eaten in the country, with an 

1 The gar-fish, or bony pike. 



274 CHAM PLAIN ON THE WAR-PATH. 

infinitude of other fruits; and that the lake extended 
close to the mountains, which were, according to my 
judgment, fifteen leagues from us. I saw others to the 
south, not less high than the former ; only that they 
were without snow. The Indians told me it was there 
we were to go to meet their enemies, and that they 
were thickly inhabited, and that we must pass by a 
waterfall,^ which I afterwards saw, and thence enter 
another lake ^ three or four leagues long; and, having 
arrived at its head, there were four leagues overland to 
be travelled to pass to a river ^ which flows towards the 
coast of the Almouchiquois, tending towards that of 
the Almouchiquois,^ and they were only two days 
going there in their canoes, as I understood since from 
some prisoners we took, who, by means of some Algon- 
quin interpreters who were acquainted with the Iro- 
quois language, conversed freely with me about all they 
had noticed. 

Now, on coming within about two or three days' 
journey of the enemy's quarters, we travelled only by 
night, and rested by day. Nevertheless, they never 
omitted their usual superstitions to ascertain whether 
their enterprise would be successful, and often asked 
me whether I had dreamed, and seen their enemies. I 
answered No, and encouraged them, and gave them 
good hopes. Night fell, and we continued our journey 
until morning, when we withdrew into the picket-fort 
to pass the remainder of the day there. About ten or 
eleven o'clock, I lay down, after having walked some 
time around our quarters ; and, falling asleep, I thought 

1 Ticonderoga. 2 Lake George. 

3 Hudson River. •* Indians east of Cape Cod. 



CHAMPLAIN ON THE WAR-PATH. 275 

I beheld our enemies, the Iroquois, drowning within 
sight of us in the lake near a mountain ; and being 
desirous to save them, that our savage allies told me 
that I must let them all perish, as they were good for 
nothing. On awaking, they did not omit, as usual, to 
ask me if I had any dream. I did tell them, in fact, 
what I had dreamed. It gained such credit among 
them, that they no longer doubted but they should meet 
with success. 

At nightfall we embarked in our canoes to continue 
our journey, and, as we advanced very softly and noise- 
lessly, we encountered a war-party of Iroquois, on the 
29th of the month, about ten o'clock at night, at 
the point of a cape which juts into the lake on the 
west side. They and we began to shout, each seizing 
his arms. We withdrew towards the water ; and the 
Iroquois repaired on shore, and arranged all their 
canoes, the one beside the other, and began to hew 
down trees with villanous axes which they sometimes 
got in war, and other of stone, and fortified themselves 
very securely. Our party likewise kept their canoes 
arranged, the one alongside the other, tied to poles so 
as not to run adrift, in order to fight all together, should 
need be. We were on the water about an arrow-shot 
from their barricades. 

When they were armed and in order, they sent two 
canoes from the fleet, to know if their enemies wished 
to fight ; who answered they desired nothing else, but 
that just then there was not much light, and that we 
must wait for day to distinguish each other, and that 
they would give us battle at sunrise. This was agreed 
to by our party. Meanwhile the whole night was spent 



276 CHAMPLAIN ON THE WAR-PATH. 

in dancing and singing, as well on one side as on the 
other, mingled with an infinitude of insults and other 
taunts ; such as the little courage they had, how pow- 
erless their resistance against their arms, and, that 
when day would break, they should experience this to 
their ruin. Ours, likewise, did not fail in repartee, 
telling they should witness the effect of arms they had 
never seen before ; and a multitude of other speeches, 
as is usual at a siege of a town. After the one and the 
other had sung, danced, and parliamented^ enough, day 
broke. My companions and I were always concealed, 
for fear the enemy should see us preparing our arms 
the best we could, being, however, separated, each in 
one of the canoes belonging to the savage Mojtfagnars} 
After being equipped with light armor, we took each 
an arquebuse, and went ashore. I saw the enemy leave 
their barricade. They were about two hundred men, 
of strong and robust appearance, who were coming 
slowly toward us, with a gravity and assurance which 
greatly pleased me, led on by three chiefs. Ours were 
marching in similar order, and told me that those who 
bore three lofty plumes were the qhiefs, and that there 
were but these three, and they were to be recognized 
by those plumes, which were considerably larger than 
those of their companions, and that I must do all I 
could to kill them. I promised to do what I could, 
and that I was very sorry they could not clearly under- 
stand me, so as to give them the order and plan of 
attacking their enemies, as we should indubitably de- 
feat them all, — but there was no help for that, — that I 

1 Parleyed or discussed. 

2 A name given to all the St. Lawrence Indians. 



CHAMPLAIN ON THE WAR-PATH. 277 

was very glad to encourage them, and to manifest to 
them my good-will when we should be engaged. 

The moment we landed, they began to run about two 
hundred paces towards their enem-ies, who stood firm, 
and had not yet perceived my companions, who went 
into the bush with some savages. Ours commenced 
calling me in a loud voice, and, making way for me, 
opened in two, and placed me at their head, marching 
about twenty paces in advance, until I was within thirty 
paces of the enemy. The moment they saw me, they 
halted, gazing at me, and I at them. When I saw them 
preparing to shoot at us, I raised my arquebuse, and, 
aiming directly at one of the three chiefs,-two of them 
fell to the ground by this shot, and one of their com- 
panions received a wound of which he died after- 
wards. I had put four balls in my arquebuse. Ours, on 
witnessing a shot so favorable for them, set up such 
tremendous shouts, that thunder could not have been 
heard ; and yet there was no lack of arrows on one 
side and the other. 

The Iroquois were greatly astonished, seeing two 
men killed so instantaneously, notwithstanding they 
were provided with arrow-proof armor, woven of cotton 
thread and wood : this frightened them very much. 
Whilst I was reloading, one of my companions in the 
bush fired a shot, which so astonished them anew, see-, 
ing their chiefs slain, that they lost courage, took to 
flight, and abandoned the field and their fort, hiding 
themselves in the depths of the forest, whither pursuing 
them, I killed some others. Our savages also killed 
several of them, and took ten or twelve prisoners. The 
rest carried off the wounded. Fifteen or sixteen of ours 
were wounded by arrows : they were prompdy cured. 



278 CHAMPLAIN ON THE WARPATH. 

After having gained the victory, they amused them- 
selves plundering Indian corn and meal from the 
enemy, also their arms which they had thrown away 
in order to run better. And having feasted, danced, 
and sung, we returned three hours afterwards with the 
prisoners. 

The place where this battle was fought is in forty- 
three degrees some minutes latitude; and I named it 
Lake Champlain. 



BOOK XIII. 

HENRY HUDSON AND THE NEW 
NETHERLANDS. 

(a.d. 1609-1626.) 



The extracts relating to Henry Hudson are reprinted from a very valu- 
able book, containing many original doci:nients in regard to him, and 
entitled " Henry Hudson ths Navigator. The original documents in 
which his career is recorded . . . with an Introduction by G. M. Asher, 
LL.D."' London, Hakluyt Society, 1859, pp. 77-93, 174-179, 1 17-123. 
The same narratives may be found in Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. iii. 

There is a Life of Henry Hudson by Henry K. Cleveland in Sparks's 
"American Biography," vol. x. Brodhead's "History of New York" 
and O'Callaghan's " History of New Netlierlands " also contain much m- 
formation concerning him. 

To show the result of Hudson's discoveries, I give also a Feries of 
extracts from early Dutch chron'cles, describing in quaint language the 
first founding of the New Netherlands. It is translated from Was- 
senaer's " Historie van Europa" (Amsterdam, 1621-1632), and is taken 
from O'Callaghan's "Documentary History of the State of New York," 
vol. iii. pp. 27-28, 42-44. 



HENRY HUDSON AND THE NEW 
NETHERLANDS. 



I. — Discovery of the Hudson River. 

[Hudson sailed from Amsterdam, on his third voyage, March 25, 1609. 
These extracts are from the diary of Robert Juet, one of his men, begin- 
ning on the day when they saw Sandy Hook, at the entrance of what is 
now New York harbor, Sept. 2, 1609.] 

THEN the sun arose, and we steered away north 
again, and saw the land from the west by north, 
to the north-west by north, all like broken islands;^ and 
our soundings were eleven and ten fathoms." Then 
we luffed^ in for the shore, and fair by the shore we 
had seven fathoms. The course along the land we 
found to be north-east by north from the land which 
we had first sight of, until we came to a great lake 
of water, as we could judge it to be, being drowned 
land,* wdiich made it to rise like islands, which was in 
length ten leagues. The mouth of that land hath 
many shoals, and the sea breaketh on them as it is 
cast out of the mouth of it. And from that lake or 

1 Sandy Hook. - A fathom is six feet. 

^ Sailed to windward. •* Flats covered by the tide. 

281 



282 HUDSON AND THE NEW NETHERLANDS. 

bay, the land lieth north by east, and we had a great 
stream out of the bay ; and from thence our sounding 
was ten fathoms two leagues from the land. . . . The 
3d [September] the morning misty until ten of the 
clock ; then it cleared, and the wind came to the south 
south-east : so we weighed, and stood to the northward. 
The land is very pleasant and high, and bold to fall 
withal.^ 

At three of the clock in the afternoon we came to 
three great rivers. So we stood along to the northern- 
most, thinking to have gone into it ; but we found it 
to have a very shoal bar before it, for we had but ten 
foot water. Then we cast about to the southward, and 
found two fathoms, three fathoms, and three and a 
quarter, till we came to the souther side of them ; then 
we had five and six fathoms, and anchored. So we 
sent in our boat to sound ; and they found no less 
water than four, five, six, and seven fathoms, and re- 
turned in an hour and a half. So we weighed and 
went in, and rode in five fathoms, ooze ground, and 
saw salmons and mullets, and rays very great. The 
height ^ is 40° 30'. 

The 4th, in the morning, as soon as the day was 
light, we saw that it was good riding ^ farther up. So 
we sent our boat to sound, and found that it was a 
very good harbor, and four and five fathoms two 
cables' length from the shore. Then we weighed, and 
went in with our ship. Then our boat went on* land 
with our net to fish, and caught ten great mullets of a 
foot and a half long apiece, and a ray as great as four 

1 i.e., conspicuous to approach. 2 North latitude. 

3 Anchorage. 4 To. 



DISCOVERY OF THE HUDSON RIVER. 283 

men could haul into the ship. So we trimmed our 
boat, and rode still all day. At night, the wind blew 
hard at the north-west, and our anchor came home;' 
and we drove on shore, but took no hurt, thanked be 
God ! for the ground is soft sand and ooze. This day 
the people of the country came aboard of us, seeming 
very glad of our coming, and brought green tobacco, 
and gave us of it for knives and beads. They go in 
deerskins, loose, well dressed. They have yellow cop- 
per. They desire clothes, and are very civil. They 
have great stores of maize or Indian wheat, whereof 
they make good bread. The country is full of great 
and tall oaks. 

The 5th in the morning, as soon as the day was light, 
the wind ceased, and the flood ^ came. So we heaved 
off our ship again into five fathoms water, and sent our 
boat to sound the bay ; and \ye found that there was 
three fathoms [depth] hard by the souther shore. Our 
men went on land there, and saw great store of men, 
women, and children, who gave them tobacco at their 
coming on land. So they went up into the woods, and 
saw great store of very goodly oaks, and some currants. 
For one of them came aboard, and brought some dried, 
and gave me some, which were sweet and good. This 
day many of the people came aboard, some in man- 
tles of feathers, and some in skins of divers sorts of 
good furs. Some women also came to us with hemp. 
They had red copper tobacco-pipes ; and other things 
of copper they did wear about their necks. At night 
they went on land again : so we rode very quiet, but 
durst not trust them. 

1 i.e., did not hold. '^ Flood-tide. 



284 HUDSON AND THE NEW NETHERLANDS. 

The 6th in the morning was fair weather ; and our 
master sent John Cohnan with four other men in our 
boat, over to the north side to sound the other river, 
being four leagues from us. They found by the way 
shoal water, two fathoms, but at the north of the river 
eighteen and twenty fathoms, and very good riding 
for ships, and a narrow river to the westward between 
two islands. The lands, they told us, were as pleasant 
with grass and flowers and goodly trees as ever they 
had seen, and very sweet smells came from them.. So 
they went in two leagues, and saw an open sea, and 
returned ; and, as they came back, they were set upon 
by two canoes, the one having twelve, the other four- 
teen men. The night came on, and it began to rain, 
so that their match ^ went out ; and they had one man 
slain in the fight, — which was an Englishman named 
John Colman, — with an arrow shot into his throat, and 
two more hurt. It grew so dark, that they could not 
find the ship that night, but labored to and fro on 
their oars. They had so great a stream, that their 
grapnel ^ would not hold them. 

The 7th was fair, and by ten of the clock they re- 
turned aboard the ship, and brought our dead man with 
them, whom we carried on land, and buried, and named 
the point after his name, Colman's Point. Then we 
hoisted in our boat, and raised her side with waste- 
boards for defence of our men. So we rode still all 
night, having good regard to our watch. 

The 8th was very fair weather : we rode still very 
quietly. The people came aboard us, and brought 

1 They used matchlock muskets, for which a match had to be kept 
burning:. - A small anchor. 



DISCOVERY OF THE HUDSON RIVER. 285 

tobacco and Indian wheat, to exchange for knives and 
beads, and offered us no violence. So we, fitting up 
our boat, did mark^ them to see if they would make 
any show^ of the death of our man; which they did 
not. 

The 9th, fair weather. In the morning two great 
canoes came aboard, full of men, — the one with their 
bows and arrows, and the other in show of buying of 
knives, to betray us ; but we perceived their intent. 
We took two of them to have kept them, and put red 
coats on them, and would not suffer the other to come 
near us. So they went on land ; and two other came 
aboard in a canoe. We took the one, and let the other 
go ; but he which we had taken got up, and leaped 
overboard. Then we weighed, and went off into the 
channel of the river, and anchored there all night. . . . 

The 1 2th, very fair and hot. In the afternoon, at 
two of the clock, we weighed, the wind being variable 
between the north and north-west. So we turned into 
the river two leagues, and anchored. This morning, at 
our first ride in the river, there came eight and twenty 
canoes full of men, women, and children, to betray us ; 
but we saw their intent, and suffered none of them to 
come aboard of us. At twelve of the clock they 
departed. They brought with them oysters and beans, 
whereof we bought some. They have great tobacco- 
pipes of yellow copper, and pots of earth to dress their 
meat in. . . . 

The 15th, in the morning, was misty, until the sun 
arose ; then it cleared. So we weighed with the wind 
at south, and ran up into the river twenty leagues, 

1 Observe. 2 i,e., show that they knew it. 



286 HUDSON AND THE NEW NETHERLANDS. 

passing by high mountains. We had a very good 
depth, as six, seven, eight, nine, ten, twelve, and 
thirteen fathoms, and great store of salmons in the 
river. This morning our two savages got out of a port, 
and swam away. After we were under sail, they called 
to us in scorn. At night we came to other mountains, 
which lie from the river's side. There we found very 
loving people, and very old men, where we were well 
used. Our boat went to fish, and caught great store 
of very good fish. 

The 2oth, in the morning, was fair weather. Our 
master's mate, with four men more, went up with our 
boat to sound the river, and found, two leagues above 
us, but two fathoms water, and the channel very narrow, 
and, above that place, seven or eight fathoms. Toward 
night they returned ; and we rode still all night. The 
one and twentieth was fair weather, and the wind all 
southerly. We determined yet once more to go farther 
up into the river to try what depth and breadth it did 
bear ; but much people resorted aboard, so we went not 
this day. Our carpenter went on land, and made a 
fore-yard. And our master and his mate determined 
to try some of the chief men of the country, whether 
they had any treachery in them. So they took them 
down into the cabin, and gave them so much wine and 
aqua vitce ^ that they were all merry. And one of them 
had his wife with him, which sat so modestly as any 
of our countrywomen would do in a strange place. In 
the end, one of them was drunk, which had been 
aboard of our ship all the time that we had been 
there ; and that was strange to them ; for they could 

1 Brandy. 



DISCOVERY OF THE HUDSON RIVER. 287 

not tell how to take it. The canoes and folk went all 
on shore ; but some of them came again, and brought 
strops^ of beads, — some had six, seven, eight, nine, 
ten, — and gave him : so he slept all night quietly. 

The two and twentieth was fair weather. In the 
morning our master's mate and four more of the com- 
pany went up with our boat to sound the river higher 
up. The people of the country came not aboard till 
noon ; but when they came, and saw the savages well, 
they were glad. So at three of the clock in the after- 
noon, they came aboard, and brought tobacco and more 
beads, and gave them to our master, and made an 
oration, and showed him all the country round about. 
Then they sent one of their company on land, who 
presently returned, and brought a great platter full of 
venison, dressed by themselves ; and they caused him 
to eat with them : then they made him reverence, and 
departed, all save the old man that lay aboard. This 
night, at ten of the clock, our boat returned in a shower 
of rain, from sounding of the river, and found it to be 
at an end for shipping to go in ; for they had been 
up eight or nine leagues, and found but seven foot 
water, and inconstant soundings. 

The four and twentieth was fair weather, the wind, 
at the north-west. We weighed [anchor], and went 
down the river seven or eight leagues ; and at half ebb 
we came aground on a bank of ooze in the middle of 
the river, and sat ^ there till the flood. Then we went 
on land, and gathered good store of chestnuts.^ At 
ten of the clock we came off into deep water, and 
anchored. . . . 

1 Straps, or strings. - Staid. 

3 Probably near thi present town of Hudson. 



288 HUDSON AND THE NEW NETHERLANDS. 

The six and twentieth was fair weather, and the wind 
at south a stiff gale. We rode still. In the morning, 
our carpenter went on land with our master's mate, 
and four more of our company, to cut wood. This 
morning, two canoes came up the river from the place 
where we first found loving people ; and in one of 
them was the old man that had lain aboard of us jft 
the other place. He brought another old man with 
him, which brought more strops of beads, and gave 
them to our master, and showed him all the country 
thereabout as though it were at his command. So he 
made the two old men dine with him, and the old 
man's wife ; for they brought two old women, and two 
young maidens of the age of sixteen or seventeen years, 
with them, who behaved themselves very modestly. 
Our master gave one of the old men a knife ; and they 
gave him and us tobacco. And at one of the clock 
they departed down the river, making signs that we 
should come down to them ; for we were within two 
leagues of the place where they dwelt. . . . 

The I St of October, fair weather, the wind variable 
between the west and the north. In the morning we 
weighed at seven of the clock with the ebb, and got 
down below the mountains, which was seven leagues. 
Then it fell calm, and the flood was come, and we 
anchored at twelve of the clock. The people of the 
mountains came aboard uS; wondering at our ship and 
weapons. We bought some small skins of them for 
trifles. This " afternoon, one canoe kept hanging 
under our stern with one man in it, which we could not 
keep from thence, who got up by our rudder to the 
cabin-window, and stole out my pillow, two shirts, and 



DISCOVERY OF THE HUDSON RIVER. 



289 



two bandoleers. Our master's mate shot at him, and 
struck him on the breast, and killed him. Whereupon 
all the rest fled away, some in their canoes, and so 
leaped out of them into the water. We manned our 
boat, and got our things again. Then one of them 




INDIANS ON 150AKI) THE HAI.F-MOON. 



that swam got hold of our boat, thinking to overthrow 
it. But our cook took a sword, and cut off one of his 
hands, and he was drowned. By this time the ebb was 
come, and we weighed and got down two leagues. By 
that time it was dark. So we anchored in four fathoms 
water, and rode well. . . . 



290 HUDSON AND THE NEW NETHERLANDS. 

The 4th was fair weather, and the wind at north 
north-west. We weighed, and came out of the river, 
into which we had run so far. ... 

By twelve of the clock we were clear of all the inlet. 
Then we took in our boat, and set our mainsail and 
spritsail and topsails, and steered away east south- 
east and south-east by east, off into the main sea. . . . 

We continued our course toward England, without 
seeing any land by the way, all the rest of this month 
of October ; and on the seventh day of November, 
stilo novo^ being Saturday, by the grace of God we 
safely arrived in the range of Dartmouth, in Devon- 
shire, in the year 1609. 



II. — Indian Traditions of Henry Hudson's 
Arrival. 

[The following narrativa was written in 1801, by Rev. John Hecke- 
welder, for many years a missionary among the Indians ; the traditions 
having been told to him, as he says, forty years earlier, that is, about 1761, 
a century and a half after the coming of Hudson.] 

The following account of the first arrival of Euro- 
peans at New York Island is verbatim as it was 
related to me by aged and respected Delawares, Mon- 
seys, and Mahicanni (otherwise called Mohegans, Ma- 
hicandus), near forty years ago. It is copied from 
notes and manuscripts taken on the spot. They say, — 

A long time ago, when there was no such thing 

1 New style. What was called the "new style" of reckoning by the 
Gregorian Calendar was not adopted in England till 1753, but by the other 
nations of Europe much earlier. 



INDIAN TRADITIONS OF HUDSON S ARRIVAL. 29 1 

known to the Indians as people with a white skin, — 
their expression, — some Indians who had been out 
a-fishing, and where the sea widens, espied at a great 
distance something remarkably large, swimming or float- 
ing on the water, and such as they had never seen 
before. They, immediately returning to the shore, ap- 
prised their countrymen of what they had seen, and 
pressed them to go out with them, and discover what it 
might be. These together hurried out, and saw, to 
their great surprise, the phenomenon, but could not 
agree what it might be ; some concluding it to be an 
uncommon large fish or other animal, while others 
were of opinion it must be some very large house. It 
was at length agreed among those who were spectators, 
that as this phenomenon moved towards the land, — 
whether or not it was an animal, or any thing that had 
life in it, — it would be well to inform all the Indians 
on the inhabited islands of what they had seen, and put 
them on their guard. 

Accordingly, they sent runners and watermen off to 
carry the news to their scattered chiefs, that these 
might send off in every direction for the warriors to 
come in. These arriving in numbers, and themselves 
viewing the strange appearance, and that it was actually 
moving towards them, — the entrance of the river or bay, 
— concluded it to be a large canoe or house, in which 
the Mamiitto (great or supreme Being) himself was, and 
that he probably was coming to visit them. By this 
time the chiefs of the different tribes were assembled 
on York Island, and were deliberating on the manner 
they should receive their Mannitto on his arrival. 
Every step had been taken to be well provided with 



292 HUDSON AND THE NEW NETHERLANDS. 

plenty of meat for a sacrifice. The women were re- 
quired to prepare the best of victuals ; idols or images 
were examined, and put in order ; and a great dance 
was supposed not only to be an agreeable entertain- 
ment for the Man?iitto, but might, with the addition of 
a sacrifice, contribute towards appeasing him, in case 
he was angry with them. The conjurers were also set 
to work to determine what the meaning of this phe- 
nomenon was, and what the result would be. Both to 
these, and to the chiefs and wise men of the nation, 
men, women, and children were looking up for advice 
and protection. Between hope and fear, and in con- 
fusion, a dance commenced. 

While in this situation, fresh runners arrive, declaring 
it a house of various colors, and crowded with living 
creatures. It now appears to be certain that it is the 
great MaiiJiitto bringing them some kind of game, such 
as they had not before ; but other runners, soon after 
arriving, declare it a large house of various colors, full 
of people, yet of quite a different color than they — the 
Indians — are of; that they were also dressed in a dif- 
ferent manner from them, and that one in particular 
appeared altogether red, which must be the Mannitto 
himself. 

They are soon hailed from the vessel, though in a 
language the)^ do not understand ; yet they shout — or 
yell — in their way. Many are for running off to the 
woods, but are pressed by others to stay in order not 
to give offence to their visitors, who could find them 
out, and might destroy them. The house — or large 
canoe, as some will have it — stops, and a smaller canoe 
comes ashore with the red man and some others in it : 



INDIAN TRADITIONS OF HUDSON'S ARRIVAL. 293 

some stay by this canoe to guard it. The chiefs and 
wise men (or councillors) have composed a large cir- 
cle, unto which the red-clothed man with two others 
approach. He salutes them with friendly countenance ; 
and they return the salute, after their manner. They 
are lost in admiration, both as to the color of the skin 
of these whites, as also to their manner of dress, yet 
most as to the habit of him who wore the red clothes, 
which shone with something they could not account 
for. He must be the great Maiinitto (supreme Being), 
they think ; but why should he have a white skin ? 

A large hockhack ^ is brought forward by one of the 
(supposed) Mannittd's servants, and from this a sub- 
stance is poured out into a small cup (or glass), and 
handed to the Mannitto. The (expected) Mannitio 
drinks, has the glass filled again, and hands it to the 
chief next to him to drink. The chief receives the glass, 
but only smelleth at it, and passes it on to the next 
chief, who does the same. The glass thus passes 
through the circle without its contents being tasted by 
any one, and is on the point of being returned again 
to the red-clothed man, when one of their number, a 
spirited man and great warrior, jumps up, harangues 
the assembly on the impropriety of returning the glass 
with the contents in it ; that the same was handed them 
by the Afannitto in order that they should drink it, as 
he himself had done before them ; that this would 
please him, but to return what he had given to them 
might provoke him, and be the cause of their being 
destroyed by him ; and that since he believed it for 
the good of the nation that the contents offered them 

1 Bottle. 



294 HUDSON AND THE NEW NETHERLANDS. 

should be drunk, and as no one was willing to drink it, 
he would, let the consequences be what it would ; and 
that it was better for one man to die than a whole 
nation to be destroyed. 

He then took the glass, and, bidding the assembly 
farewell, drank it off. Every eye was fixed on their 
resolute companion, to see what an effect this would 
have upon him ; and he soon beginning to stagger about, 
and at last dropping to the ground, they bemoan him. 
He falls into a sleep, and they view him as expiring. 
He awakes again, jumps up, and declares that he never 
felt himself before so happy as after he had drank the 
cup ; wishes for more. His wish is granted ; and 
the whole assembly soon join him, and become intoxi- 
cated. 

After this general intoxication had ceased, — during 
which time the whites had confined themselves to their 
vessel, — the man with the red clothes returned again 
to them, and distributed presents among them ; to wit, 
beads, axes, hoes, stockings, &c. They say that they 
had become familiar to each other, and were made to 
understand by signs that they now would return home, 
but would visit them next year again, when they would 
bring them more presents, and stay with them a while ; 
but that, as they could not live without eating, they 
should then want a little land of them to sow seeds, in 
order to raise herbs to put in their broth. That the 
vessel arrived the season following, and they were 
much rejoiced at seeing each other ; but that the whites 
laughed at them, [the Indians,] seeing they knew not 
the use of the axes, hoes, &c., they had given them ; 
they having had these hanging to their breasts as orna- 



INDIAN TRADITIONS OF HUDSON S ARRIVAL. 295 

ments ; and the stockings they had made use of as 
tobacco-pouches. The whites now put handles (or 
helves) in the former, and cut trees down before their 
eyes, and dug the ground, and showed them the use of 
their stockings. Here — say they — a general laugh 
ensued among them [the Indians] that they had 
remained for so long a time ignorant of the use of so 
valuable implements ; and had borne with the weight 
of such heavy metal hanging to their necks for such a 
length of time. 

They took every white man they saw for a MaJinitto, 
yet inferior and attendant to the supreme Mannitto ; to 
wit, to the one which wore the red and laced clothes. 
Familiarity daily increasing between them and the 
whites, the latter now proposed to stay with them, 
asking them only for so much land as the hide of a 
bullock would cover (or encompass), which hide was 
brought forward, and spread on the ground before them. 
That they readily granted this request ; whereupon the 
whites took a knife, and, beginning at one place on this 
hide, cut it into a rope not thicker than the finger of a 
little child, so that, by the time this hide was cut up, 
there was a great heap. That this rope was drawn out 
to a great distance, and then brought around again, so 
that both ends might meet. That they carefully 
avoided its breaking, and that upon the whole it en- 
compassed a large piece of ground. That they [the 
Indians] were surprised at the superior wit of the 
whites, but did not wish to contend with them about a 
little land, as they had enough. 

That they and the whites lived for a long time con- 
tentedly together, although these asked from time to 



296 HUDSON AND THE NEW NETHERLANDS. 

time more land of them ; and, proceeding higher up the 
Mahicanittuk (Hudson River), they believed they would 
soon want all their country, and which at this time was 
already the case. 



III. — The Last Voyage of Henry Hudson, and 

HOW HE WAS SET ADRIFT IN THE ICE BY HIS MeN. 

[Hudson had discovered the bay which bears his name, and spent all 
winter amid the ice, remaining into the spring, until his provisions were 
about out, and his crew grew mutinous. One of the crew, Abacuk or Ha- 
baccuk Prickett, thus describes what followed.] 

Being thus in the ice, on Saturday, the one and 
twentieth of June,^ at night, Wilson the boatswain, 
and Henry Greene, came to me, lying in my cabin, 
lame, and told • me that they and the rest of their 
associates would shift ^ the company, and turn the 
master and all the sick men into the shallop, and let 
them shift for themselves ; for there was not fourteen 
days' victuals left for all the company. At that poor 
allowance they were at, and that there they lay, the mas- 
ter not caring to go one way or other ; and that they 
had not eaten any thing these three days, and there- 
fore were resolute, either to mend or end .; and what 
they had begun they would go through with it, or die. 
When I heard this, I told them I marvelled to hear so 
much from them, considering that they were married 
men, and had wives and children ; and that, for their 
sakes, they should not commit so foul a thing in the 
sight of God and man as that would be : for why 
1 i6ii. 2 i.e.; take out part of them. 



• ■ HUDSON SET ADRIFT IN THE ICE. 297 

should they banish themselves from their native coun- 
try ? Henry Greene bade me hold my peace, for he 
knew the worst, which was, to be hanged when he 
came home ; and therefore, of the two, he would rather 
be hanged at home than starved abroad ; and, for the 
good-will they bare me, they would have me stay in 
the ship. I gave them thanks, and told them I came 
into her, not to forsake her, yet not to hurt myself 
and others by any such deed. Henry Greene told me 
then that I must take my fortune in the shallop. " If 
there be no remedy," said I, " the will of God be 
done." 

Away went Henry Greene in a rage, swearing to cut 
his throat that went about to disturb them, and left 
Wilson by me, with whom I had some talk, but to no 
good ; for he was so persuaded that there was no 
remedy now but to go on while it was hot,^ lest their 
party should fail them, and the mischief they intended 
to others should light on themselves. Henry Greene 
came again, and demanded of him what I said. Wil- 
son answered, " He is in his old song, still patient." 
Then I spake to Henry Greene to stay three days, in 
which time I would so deal with the master that all 
should be well. So I dealt with him to forbear but 
two days, nay, twelve hours. " There is no way, then," 
say they, "but out of hand."^ Then I told them, that, 
if they would stay till Monday, I would join with them 
to share all the victuals in the ship, and would justify 
it when I came home ; but this would not serve their 
terms. Wherefore I told them it was some worse 
matter they had in hand than they made show of, and 

1 "i.e., while heated with CKcitement. - At once. 



290 HUDSON AND THE NEW NETHERLANDS. 

that it was blood and revenge he ^ sought, or else he 
would not at such a time of night undertake such a 
deed. Henry Greene, with that, taketh my Bible, which 
lay before me, and sware that he would do no man 
harm, and what he did was for the good of the voyage, 
and for nothing else ; and that all the rest should do 
the like. The like did Wilson swear. 

Henry Greene went his way ; and presently came 
Juet,^ who, because he was an ancient man, I hoped 
to have found some reason in him. But he was worse 
than Henry Greene ; for he sware plainly that he would 
justify this deed when he came home. After him came 
John Thomas and Michael Perce, as birds of one 
feather ; but, because they are not living, I will let 
them go, as then I did. Then came Moter and Bennet, 
of whom I demanded if they were well advised what 
they had taken in hand. They answered they were, 
and therefore came to take their oath. 

Now, because I am much condemned for this oath, 
as one of them that plotted with them, and that by 
an oath I should bind them together to perform what 
they had begun, I thought good here to set down to 
the view of all, how well their oath and deeds agreed. 
And thus it was : '• You shall swear truth to God, your 
prince, and country : you shall do nothing but to the 
glory of God, and the good of the action in hand, and 
harm to no man." This was the oath without adding 
or diminishing. I looked for more of these compan- 
ions, although these were too many ; but there came 
no more. It was dark, and they in a readiness to put 

1 Henry Greene. 

2 Robert J net, author of the Diary previously given. 



HUDSON SET ADRIFT IN THE ICE. 299 

this deed of darkness in execution. I called to Henry 
Greene and Wilson, and prayed them not to go in hand 
with it in the dark, but to stay till the morning. Now 
every man, I hope, would go to his rest ; but wickedness 
sleepeth not. For Henry Greene keepeth the master 
company all night, and gave me bread which his cabin- 
mate gave him ; and others [were] as watchful as he. 

Then I asked Henry Greene whom he would put 
out with the master. He said, the carpenter, John 
King, and the sick men. I said they should not do 
well to part with the carpenter, what need soever they 
should have. Why the carpenter was in no more 
regard amongst them was, first, for that he and John 
King were condemned for wrong done in the victual.^ 
But the chiefest cause was for that the master loved 
him, and made him his mate, upon his return out of 
our wintering place, thereby displacing Robert Billet ; 
whereat they did grudge, because he could neither write 
nor read. " And therefore," said they, " the master and 
his ignorant mate would carry the ship whither the 
master pleased;" the master forbidding any man to 
keep account or reckoning, having taken from all men 
whatsoever served for that purpose. Well, I obtained 
of Henry Greene and Wilson that the carpenter should 
stay, by whose means I hoped, after they had satisfied 
themselves, that the master and the poor man might be 
taken into the ship again. Or I hoped that some one 
or other would giv^e some notice, either to the carpen- 
ter, John King, or the master ; for so it might have 
come to pass by some of them that were the most 
forward. . . . 

1 i.e., in dlstributincr tlie fcod. 



300 HUDSON AND THE NEW NETHERLANDS. 

In the mean time, Henry.Greene and another went to 
the carpenter, and held him with a talk till the master^ 
came out of his cabin, which he soon did ; then came 
John Thomas and Bennet before him, while Wilson 
bound his arms behind him. He asked them what they 
meant. They told him he should know when he was in 
the shallop. Now Juet, while this was a-doing, came 
to John King into the hold, who was provided for him; 
for he had got a sword of his own, and kept him at a 
bay, and might have killed him ; but others came to 
help him : and so he came up to the master. The 
master called to the carpenter, and told him that he 
was bound ; but I heard no answer he made. Now 
Arnold Lodlo and Michael Bute railed at them, and 
told theni their knavery would show itself. Then was 
the shallop hauled up to the ship-side ; and the poor, 
sick, and lame men were called upon to get them out 
of their cabins into the shallop. The master called to 
me, who came out of my cabin as well as I could, to 
the hatchway, to speak with him, where, on my knees, 
I besought them, for the love of God, to remember 
themselves, and to do as they would be done unto. 
They bade me keep myself well, and get me into my 
cabin, not suffering the master to speak with me. But 
when I came into my cabin again, he called to me at 
the horn ^ which gave light into my cabin, and told me 
that Juet would overthrow us all. "Nay," said I, "it is 
that villain Henry Greene ; " and I spake it not softly. 

Now was the carpenter at liberty, who asked them if 
they would be hanged when they came home. And as 

1 Heniy Hudson. 

2 Thin pieces, cut from horn, were used instead of glass. 



HUDSON SET ADRIFT IN THE ICE. 30I 

for himself, he said he would not stay in the ship, 
unless they would force him. They bade him go then ; 
for they would not stay him. " I will," said he, " so I 
may have my chest with me, and all that is in it." 
They said he should ; and presently they put it into the 
shallop. Then he came down to me to take his leave 
of me, who persuaded him to stay, which if he did, he 
might so work that all should be well. He said he 
did not think but they would be glad to take them in 
again ; for he was so persuaded by the master, that 
there was not one in all the ship could tell how to 
carry her home. " But," saith he, " if we must part," — 
which we will not willingly do, for they would follow 
the ship, — he prayed me, if we came to the capes before 
them,^ that I would leave some token that we had been 
there, near to the place where the fowls bred, and he 
would do the like for us ; and so, with tears, we 
parted. Now were the sick men driven out of their 
cabins into the shallop. But John Thomas was Francis 
Clement's friend, and Bennet w^as the cooper's : so 
there were words between them and Henry Greene, — 
one saying that they should go, and the other swearing 
that they should not go, but such as were in the shallop 
should return. When Henry Greene heard that, he 
was compelled to give place, and to put out Arnold 
Lodlo and Michael Bute, which with much ado they 
did. 

In the mean time, there were some of them that plied 
their work as if the ship had been entered by force, 
and they had free leave to pillage, breaking up chests, 
and rifling all places. One of them came by me, who 

1 At the mouth of Hudson's Bay. 



302 HUDSON AND THE NEW NETHERLANDS. 

asked me what they should do. I answered, he should 
make an end of what he had begun ; for I saw him do 
nothing but shark ^ up and down. Now were all the 
poor men in the shallop, whose names are as follow- 
eth : Henry Hudson, John Hudson, Arnold Lodlo, 
Sidrack Faner, Philip Staffe, Thomas Woodhouse or 
Wydhouse, Adam Moore, Henry King, Michael Bute. 
The carpenter got of them a piece,- and powder and 
shot, and some pikes, an iron pot, with some meal, and 
other things. They stood out of the ice, the shallop 
being fast to the stern of the ship ; and so, when they 
were nigh out, for I cannot say they were clean out, 
they^ cut her head fast from the stern of our ship, then 
out with their topsails, and towards the east they stood 
in a clear sea. In the end, they took in their topsails, 
righted their helm, and lay under their foresail till they 
had ransacked and searched all places in the ship. In 
the hold, they found one of the vessels of meal whole, 
and the other half spent; for we had but two. We 
found also two firkins of butter, some twenty-seven 
pieces of pork, half a bushel of peas ; but in the mas- 
ter's cabin we found two hundred of biscuit cakes, a 
peck of meal, of beer to the quantity of a butt, one 
with another. Now it was said that the shallop was 
come within sight, they let fall the mainsail, and out 
with their topsails, and fly as from an enemy. 

Then I prayed them yet to remember themselves ; 
but William Wilson — more than the rest — would hear 
of no such matter. 

1 Plunder. 2 a gun. 

3 The mutinous crew, on the ship. 



SETTLEMENT OF THE NEW NETHERLANDS. 303 

[This is all that is known of the fate of Henry Hudson. These events 
are supposed to have occurred near the south-east corner of James Bay. 
The narrative goes on to describe the terrible hardships endured by the 
mutinous crew, during which, Robert Juet and others died of starvation. 
The survivors reached Plymouth, England, in September, 161 1.] 



IV. — The Dutch Settlement of the New 
Netherlands. 

[From early Dutch Chronicles.] 

[1624.] Numerous voyages realize so much profit for 
adventurers, that they discover other countries, which 
they afterwards settle and plant. Virginia, a country 
lying in 42^"^ ^ is one of these. It was first peopled 
by the French, afterwards by the English, and is to- 
day a flourishing cojony. The Lords States General^ 
observing the great abundance of their people, as well 
as their desire to plant other lands, allowed the West 
India Company to settle that same country. Many 
from the United Colonies did formerly, and do still, 
trade there. Yea, for the greater security of the 
traders, a castle — Fort Nassau — had been built on 
an island in 42° on the north side of the River Mon- 
tagne, now called Mauritius.^ But as the natives there 
were somewhat discontented, and not easily managed, 
the projectors abandoned it, intending now to plant a 
colony among the Maikans, a nation lying twenty five 
miles ^ on both sides of the river upwards. 

This river, or the bay, lies in 40°, running well in ; 
being as broad or wide as the Thames, and navigable 

1 North latitude. 2 of Holland. 3 Now Hudson River. 

•* These miles are Dutch, one being equal to three English. 



304 HUDSON AND THE NEW NETHERLANDS. 

full fifty miles up, through divers nations, who some- 
times manifest themselves with arrows, like enemies, 
sometimes like friends ; but when they had seen the 
ships once or twice, or traded with our people, they 
became altogether friendly. . . . 

This country, now called New Netherland, is usually 
reached in seven or eight weeks from here. The 
course lies towards the Canary Islands, thence to the 
Indian Islands, then towards the mainland of Virginia, 
steering right across, leaving in fourteen days the 
Bahamas on the left, and the Bermudas on the right 
hand, where the winds are variable with which the land 
is made. . . . 

[1626.] In our preceding treatise, we made mention 
of New Netherland and its colony, planted by the 
West India Company, situate in Virginia on the river, 
called by the French Montague, and by us Mauritius, 
and that some families were sent thither, which now 
increased to two hundred souls ; and afterwards some 
ships, — one with horses, the other with cows, and 
the third hay. Two months afterwards, a fleet was 
equipped carrying sheep, hogs, wagons, ploughs, and 
all other implements of husbandry. 

These cattle were, on their arrival, first landed on 
Nut Island, three miles up the river, where they re- 
mained a day or two. There being no means of 
pasturing them there, they were shipped in sloops and 
boats to the Manhates,^ right opposite said island. 
Being put out to pasture here, they throve well ; but 
afterwards full twenty in all died. The cause of this 
was that they had eaten something bad from an unculti- 

1 Manhattan Island- 



SETTLEMENT OF THE NEW NETHERLANDS. 305 

vated soil. But they went in the middle of September 
on new grass, as good and as long as could be desired. 

The colony was planted at this time on the Man- 
hates, where a fort was staked out by Master Kryn 
Frederycke, an engineer. It will be of large dimen- 
sions. The ship which has returned home this month 
[November] brings samples of all the different sorts of 
produce there. The cargo consists of 7,246 beavers, 
675 otter-skins, 48 minx, 36 wildcat, and various other 
sorts ; several pieces of oak timber and hickory. 

The counting-house there is kept in a stone building, 
thatched with reed : the other houses are of the bark 
of trees. Each has his own house. The director and 
koopman^ live together. There are thirty ordinary 
houses on the east side of the river, which runs nearly 
north and south. The Honorable Pieter Minuit is 
director there at present ; Jan Lempo, sheriff ; Sebas- 
tiaen Jansz Crol and Jan Huyck, comforters of the 
sick, who, whilst awaiting a clergyman, read to the 
commonalty there on Sundays, from texts of Scripture 
with the comment. Fran9ois Molemaecker is busy 
building a horse-mill, over which shall be constructed 
a spacious room, sufficient to accommodate a large con- 
gregation ; and then a tower is to be erected, where the 
bells brought from Porto Rico will be hung. 

The Council there administered justice in criminal 
matters as far as imposing fines, but not as far as 
capital punishment. Should it happen that any one 
deserves that, he must be sent to Holland with his 
sentence. . . . There is another there who fills no 
public office : he is busy about his own affairs. Men 

1 Trader, or shop-keeper. In German, kaufmann. 



3o6 



HUDSON AND THE NEW NETHERLANDS. 



work there as in Holland : one trades upwards, south- 
wards, and northwards ; another builds houses ; the 
third farms. Each farmer has his farm and the cows 
on the land purchased by the Company ; but the milk 
remains to the profit of the boor : ^ he sells to those of 
the people who receive their wages for work every 




SETTLEMENT ON THE HUDSON RIVER. 



week. The houses of the Hollanders now stand with- 
out the fort ; but, when that is completed, they will all 
repair within, so as to garrison it, and be secure from 
sudden attack. 

Those of the South River will abandon their fort, 
and come hither: no more than fifteen or sixteen men 
will remain at Fort Orange, the most distant point at 
1 Farmer. 



SETTLEMENT OF THE NEW NETHERLANDS. 307 

which the Hollanders traded : the remainder will come 
down to the Manhates. Right opposite is the fort of 
the Maykans, which they built against their enemies, 
the Maquaes/ a powerful people. 

It happened this year that the Maykans, being at 
war with the Maquaes, requested to be assisted by the 
commander of Fort Orange and six others. Com- 
mander Krieckebeck went up with them a mile from 
the fort, and met the Maquaes, who peppered them so 
bravely with a discharge of arrows, that they were 
forced to fly, leaving many slain, among whom were the 
commander and three of his men. Among the latter 
was Tymen Bouwensz, whom they devoured, after hav- 
ing well cooked him.^ The rest they burnt. The com- 
mander was buried with the other two by his side. 
Three escaped, — two Portuguese, and a Hollander 
from Hoorn. One of the Portuguese was wounded by 
an arrow in the back whilst swimming. The Indians 
carried a leg and an arm home to be divided amongst 
their families, as a proof that they had conquered their 
enemies. 

Some days after, the worthy Pieter Barentsen, who 
usually was sent upwards and along the coast with the 
sloop, visited them. They wished to excuse their act, 
on the plea that they had never injured the whites, and 
asked the reason why the latter had meddled with 
them. Had it been otherwise, they would not have 
acted as they had. 

1 Mohawks. 2 This is probably a romance. 



BOOK XIV. 

THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH. 

(A.D. 1620-1621.) 



These extracts are taken from that valuable collection, " Chron'clcs of 
the Pilgrim Fathers of the Colony of Plymouth, from 1602 to 1625 ; npw 
first collected from original records and contemporaneous printed docu- 
ments," by Alexander Young, Boston, 1841. 

The first extract is from Edward Winslow's "Brief Narration," Lon- 
don, 1646 (Young, p. 384). The rest are from the journal of Bradford 
and Winslow, commonly called " Mourt's Relation," London, 1622. 
(Young, pp. 125-136, 150-162, 167-174, 182-189.) 



THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH. 



I. — The Sailing of the Pilgrims. 

[The Pilgrims sailed from Delft Haven, — often called by them Delph's 
Haven, — in Holland, July 22, 1620.] 

AND when the ship was ready to carry us away, 
the brethren that staid, having again solemnly 
sought the Lord with us and for us, and we further en- 
gaging ourselves mutually as before, — they, I say, that 
staid at Leyden, feasted us that were to go, at our 
pastor's house, being large, where we refreshed our- 
selves, after tears, with singing of psalms, making joy- 
ful melody in our hearts, as well as with the voice, there 
being many of the congregation very expert in music ; 
and indeed it was the sweetest melody that ever mine 
ears heard. After this, they accompanied us to Delph's 
Haven, where we were to embark, and there feasted us 
again. And after prayer performed by our pastor, 
where a flood of tears was poured out, they accompa- 
nied us to the ship, but were not able to speak one to 
another for the abundance of sorrow to part. But we 
only going aboard, — the ship lying to the quay, and 

311 



312 



THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH. 



ready to set sail, the wind being fair, — we gave them 
a volley of small shot, and three pieces of ordnance ; 
and so, lifting up our hands to each other, and our 
hearts for each other to the Lord our God, we departed, 
and found his presence with us in the midst of our 
manifold straits he carried us through. And, if any 




DELPH S HAVEN. 



doubt this relation, the Dutch, as I hear, at Delph's 
Haven preserve the memory of it to this day, and will 
inform them. 



II. 



Miles Standish at Cape Cod. 



Some of our people, impatient of delay, desired for 
our better furtherance to travel by land into the coun- 
try, — which was not without appearance of danger, not 
having the shallop with them, nor means to carry pro- 
vision but on their backs, — to see whether it might be 



MILES STANDISH AT CAPE COD. 313 

and the rather, because, as 
we sailed into the harbor, there seemed to be a river - 
opening itself into the mainland. The willingness of 
the persons was liked ; but the thing itself, in regard 
to the danger, was rather permitted than approved ; 
and so with cautions, directions, and instructions, six- 






r : < 







MAVI-LOWER OFF PKOVINCETOWN. 



teen men were set^ out, with every man his musket,^ 
sword, and corselet, under the conduct of Captain Miles 
Standish, unto whom was adjoined for counsel and 

1 Establish themselves, as we say "country-seat.'" 

2 Pamet River, Cape Cod. 

3 Sent. 

4 These guns were chiefly matchlocks, as afterwards appears. 



314 THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH. 

advice William Bradford, Stephen Hopkins, and Ed- 
ward Tilley. 

Wednesday, the 15th of November, they were set 
ashore.^ And when they had ordered themselves in 
the order of a single file, and marched about the space 
of a mile by the sea, they espied five or six people, 
with a dog, coming towards them, who were savages ; 
who, when they saw them, ran into the wood, and 
whistled the dog after them, &c. First they supposed 
them to be Master Jones, the master, and some of his 
men ; for they were ashore, and knew of their coming. 
But, after they knew them to be Indians, they marched 
after them into the woods, lest other of the Indians 
should lie in ambush. But, when the Indians saw our 
men following them, they ran away with might and 
main, and our men turned out of the wood after them, 
for it was the way they intended to go ; but they could 
not come near them. They followed them that night 
about ten miles, by the trace of their footings,- and saw 
how they had come the same way they went, and at a 
turning perceived how they ran up a hill, to see whether 
they followed them. At length night came upon them, 
and they were constrained to take up their lodging.^ 
So they set forth three sentinels ; and the rest, some 
kindled a fire, and others fetched wood, and there held 
our rendezvous that night. 

In the morning, as soon as we could see the trace, 
we proceeded on our journey, and had^ the track until 

1 Probably at Stevens's Point, at the western end of Cape Cod harbor. 

2 Footprints. 

3 Probably near Stout's Creek, opposite Beach Point. 

4 Followed. 



MILES STANDISH AT CAPE COD. 315 

we had compassed the head of a long creek ; ^ and 
there they took into another wood, and we after them, 
supposing to find some of their dwelHngs. But we 
marched through boughs and bushes, and under hills 
and valle3^s, which tore our very armor in pieces, and 
yet could meet with none of them, nor their houses, 
nor find any fresh water, which we greatly desired and 
stood in need of ; for we brought neither beer nor 
water with us, and our victuals was only biscuit and 
Holland cheese, and a little bottle of aqua vitae, so as 
we were sore athirst. About ten o'clock, we came into 
a deep valley, full of brush, wood-gaile,^ and long grass, 
through which we found little paths, or tracks ; and 
there we saw a deer, and found springs of fresh water, 
of which we were heartily glad, and sat us down and 
drunk our first New England wafer with as much 
delight as ever we drunk drink in all our lives. 

When we had refreshed ourselves, we directed our 
course full south, that we might come to the shore, 
which within a short while after we did, and there 
made a fire, that they in the ship might see where we 
were, as we had direction ; and so marched on towards 
this supposed river. And, as we went in another val- 
ley, we found a fine clear pond ^ of fresh water, being 
about a musket-shot broad, and twice as long. There 
grew also many small vines, and fowl and deer haunted 
there. There grew much sassafras. From thence we 
went on, and found much plain ground, about fifty 
acres, fit for the plough, and some signs where the In- 

1 East Harbor Creek, Truro. 

2 Probably sweet-gale, or wax -myrtle { My r tea gale). 

3 The pond near Highland Light. 



::i6 THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH. 



dians had formerly planted their corn. After this, 
some thought it best, for nearness of the river, to go 
down and travel on the sea-sands, by which means 
some of our men were tired, and lagged behind. So 
we staid and gathered them up, and struck into the 
land again, where we found a little path to certain 
heaps of sand, one whereof was covered with old mats, 
and had a wooden thing like a mortar whelmed^ on the 
top of it, and an earthen pot laid in a little hole at the 
end thereof. We, musing- what it might be, digged, and 
found a bow, and, as we thought, arrows ; but they 
were rotten. We supposed there were many other 
things; but, because we deemed them graves, we put in 
the bow again, and made it up as it was, and left the 
rest untouched, because we thought it would be odious 
unto them to ransack their sepulchres. 

We went on farther, and found new stubble, of which 
they had gotten corn this year, and many walnut-trees 
full of nuts, and great store of strawberries, and some 
vines. Passing thus a field or two, which were not great, 
we came to another, which had also been new gotten ; 
and there we found where a house had been, and four 
or five old planks laid together. Also we found a 
great kettle, which had been some ship's kettle, and 
brought out of Europe. There was also a heap of 
sand, made like the former, — but it was newly done, 
we might see how they had paddled it w^ith their hands, 
— which we digged up, and in it we found a little old 
basket full of fair Indian corn. We digged farther, and 
found a fine great new basket, full of very fair corn of 
this year, with some six and thirty goodly ears of corn, 
1 Sunk. 2 Wanderins- 



MILES STANTDISH AT CAPE COD. 317 

some yellow, and some red, and others mixed with 
blue, which was a very goodly sight.^ The basket was 
round, and narrow at the top. It held about three or 
four bushels, which was as much as two of us could 
lift up from the ground, and was very handsomely and 
cunningly made. But, whilst we were busy about all 
these things, we set our men sentinel in a round ring, 
all but two or three, which digged up the corn. We 
were in suspense what to do with it and the kettle ; 
and at length, after much consultation, we concluded 
to take the kettle, and as much of the corn as we could 
carry away with us ; and when our shallop came, if we 
could find any of the people, and come to parley with 
them, we would give them the kettle again, and satisfy 
them for their corn.- So we took all the ears, and put 
a good deal of the loose corn in the kettle, for two men 
to bring away on a staff. Besides, they that could put 
any into their pockets filled the same. The rest we 
buried again ; for we were so laden with armor, that we 
could carry no more. 

Not far from this place we found the remainder of 
an old fort or palisado, which, as we conceived, had 
been made by some Christians. This was also hard 
by that place wdiich we thought had been a river ;^ 
unto which we went, and found it so to be, dividing 
itself into two arms by a high bank, standing right by 
the cut or mouth, which came from the sea. That 
which was next unto us was the less. The other 
arm was more than twice as big, and not unlike to be a 
harbor for ships : but whether it be a fresh river, 

1 This com of three colors is still common at Truro. — Young. 

2 This they afterwards did. 3 Pamet River. 



3l8 THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH. 

or only an indraught of the sea, we had no time to 
discover ; for we had commandment to be out but 
two days. Here, also, w^e saw two canoes, — the one 
on the one side, the other on the other side. We could 
not believe it was a canoe till we came near it. So 
we returned, leaving the further discovery hereof to our 
shallop, and came that night back again to the fresh- 
water pond ; and there we made our rendezvous that 
night, making a great fire, and a barricade to windward 
of us, and kept good watch with three sentinels all 
nighty every one standing when his turn came, while 
five or six inches of match was burning. It proved a 
very rainy night. 

In the morning, we took our kettle, and sunk it in 
the pond, and trimmed our muskets, for few of them 
would go off because of the wet, and so coasted the 
wood again to come home, in which we were shrewdly 
puzzled, and lost our way. As we wandered, we came 
to a tree, where a young sprit ^ was bowed down over a 
bow, and some acorns strewed underneath. Stephen 
Hopkins said it had been to catch some deer. So as 
we were looking at it, William Bradford being in the 
rear, when he came, looked also upon it ; and, as he 
went about, it gave a sudden jerk up, and he was 
immediately caught by the leg. It was a very pretty 
device, made with a rope of their own making, and 
having a noose as artificially made as any roper - in 
England can make, and as like ours as can be ; which 
we brought away with us. In the end, we got out of 

1 Sapling. The word is now used only for the sprit of a small sail ; 
that is, the pole which holds it up transversely. 

2 Rope-maker. 



THE FIRST ENCOUNTER. 319 

the wood, and were fallen^ about a mile too high above 
the creek, where we saw three bucks ; but we had 
rather have had one of them. We also did spring 
three couple of partridges : and, as we came along by 
the creek, we saw great flocks of wild geese and ducks; 
but they were very fearful of us. So we marched some 
while in the woods, some while on the sands, and other 
while in the water up to the knees, till at length we 
came near the ship, and then we shot off our pieces, 
and the long-boat came to fetch us. Master Jones 
and Master Carver, being on the shore with many of 
our people, came to meet us. And thus we came both 
weary and welcome home, and delivered in our corn 
into the store to be kept for seed ; for we knew not how 
to come by any, and therefore were very glad, purpos- 
ing, as soon as we could meet with any of the inhabit- 
ants of that place, to make them large satisfaction. 
This was our first discovery, whilst our shallop was in 
repairing. 

HI. — The First Encounter. 

Wednesday, the 6th of December [1620], we set out, 
being very cold and hard weather. We were a long 
while, after we launched from the ship, before we could 
get clear of a sandy point - which lay within less than 
a furlough of the same ; in which time two were very 
sick, and Edward Tilley had liked to have sounded^ 
with cold. The gunner also was sick unto death ; but 
hope of trucking* made him to go, and so remained all 

1 Come. 2 The end of Long Point. 

3 Possibly swooned, or ached. "* Traffic. 



320 THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH. 

that day and the next night. At length we got clear 
of the sandy point, and got up our sails, and, within 
an hour or two, we got under the weather-shore, and 
then had smoother water and better sailing. But it 
was very cold ; for the water froze on our clothes, and 
made them many times like coats of iron. 

We sailed six or seven leagues by the shore, but saw 
neither river nor creek. At length we met with a 
tongue of land, being fiat off from the shore, with a 
sandy point. ^ We bore up to 
gain the point, and found 
there a fair income ^ or road 
of a bay, being a league over 
at the narrowest, and some 
two or three in length ; but we 
made right over to the land 
before us, and left the dis- 
covery of this income till the 
next day. As we drew near 
to the shore," we espied some 
ten or twelve Indians very busy about a black thing, — 
what it was we could not tell, — till afterwards they 
saw us, and ran to and fro, as if they had been carry- 
ing something away. We landed a league or two from 
them, and had much ado to put ashore anywhere, it 
lay so full of fiat sands. When we came to shore, we 
made us a barricado, and got firewood, and set out 
sentinels, and betook us to our lodging, such as it was. 
We saw the smoke of the fire which the savages made 
that night, about four or five miles from us. 

1 Billingsgate Point, in Wellfleet, now an island. 

2 Entrance. 3 ]n Eastham. 




GOVERNOR WINSLOW. 



THE FIRST ENCOUNTER. 32 I 

In the morning we divided our company, some eight 
in the shallop ; and the rest on the shore went to dis- 
cover this place. But we found it only to be a bay,^ 
without either river or creek coming into it. Yet we 
deemed it to be as good a harbor as Cape Cod ; for 
they that sounded it found a ship might ride in five 
fathom water. We on the land found it to be a level 
soil, though none of the fruitfulest. We saw two 
becks- of fresh water, which were the first running 
streams that we saw in the country ; but one might 
stride over them. We found also a great fish, called a 
grampus,^ dead on the sands. They in the shallop 
found two of them also in the bottom of the bay, dead 
in like sort. They were cast up at high water, and 
could not get off for the frost and ice. They were 
some five or six paces long, and about two inches 
thick of fat, and fleshed like swine. They would have 
yielded a great deal of oil, if there had been time and 
means to have taken it. So we, finding nothing for 
cur turn, both we and our shallop returned. 

We then directed our course along the sea-sands to 
the place where we first saw the Indians, When we 
were there, we saw it was also a grampus which they 
were cutting up. They cut it into long rands, or pieces, 
about an ell long, and two handful broad. We found 
here and there a piece scattered by the way, as it 
seemed, for haste. This place the most were minded 
we should call the Grampus Bay, because we found 
so many of them there. We followed the track of 

1 Wellfleet harbor. 

2 Brooks ; i.e., Indian Brook and Cook's Brook. 

3 One of the dolpliin family, sometimes twenty-five feet 1< ng. 



^22 THE PILGRIiMS AT PLYMOUTH. 

the Indians' bare feet a good way on the sands. At 
length we saw where they struck into the woods by 
the side of a pond.^ x\s we went to view the place, 
one said he thoudit he saw an Indian house amons: 
the trees, so went up to see. And here we and the 
shallop lost sight one of another till night, it being 
now about nine or ten o'clock: so we light- upon a 
path, but saw no house, and followed a great way into 
the woods. At length we found where corn had been 
set, but not that year. 

Anon we found a great burying-place, one part 
whereof was encompassed with a large palisado, like a 
churchyard with young spires,^ four or five yards long, 
set as close one by another as they could, two or three 
foot in the ground. Within, it was full of graves, some 
bigger, and some less. Some were also paled ^ about, 
and others had like an Indian house made over them, 
but not matted. These graves were more, sumptuous 
than those at Cornhill ;^ yet we digged none of them 
up, but only viewed them, and went our way. Without 
the palisado were graves also, but not so costly. From 
this place we went and found more corn-ground, but 
not of this year. As we ranged, we light on four or 
five Indian houses which had been lately dwelt in ; 
but they were uncovered, and had no mats about them, 
else they were like those we found at Cornhill, but had 
not been so lately dwelt in. There was nothing left 
but two or three pieces of old mats, and a little sedge. 

1 Great Pond, in Eastham. 

2 Lighted upon, or discovered. 

3 Boughs, or tops of young trees. 
^ Surrounded with palings. 

° An Indian grave, where they had found corn. 



THE FIRST ENCOUXTER. 323 

Also, a little further, we found two baskets full of 
parched acorns hid in the ground, which we supposed 
had been corn when we began to dig the same. We 
cast earth thereon again, and went our way. All this 
while we saw no people. 

We went ranging up and down till the sun began to 
draw low, and then we hasted out of the woods, that 
we might come to our shallop, which, when we were 
out of the woods, we espied a great way off, and called 
them to come unto us ; the which they did as soon as 
they could, for it was not yet high water. They were 
exceeding glad to see us ; for they feared because they 
had not seen us in so long a time, thinking we would 
have kept by the shore-side. So, being both weary 
and faint, — for we had eaten nothing all day, — we 
fell to make our rendezvous, and get firewood, which 
always costs us a great deal of labor. By that time 
we had done, and our shallop come to us, it was within 
night ; and we fed upon such victuals as we had, and 
betook us to our rest, after we had set our watch. 
About midnight we heard a great and hideous cry ; and 
our sentinels called, " Arm, arm ! " So we bestirred 
ourselves^ and shot off a couple of muskets, and the 
noise ceased. We concluded that it was a company of 
wolves or foxes ; for one told us he had heard such a 
noise in Newfoundland. 

About five o'clock in the morning, we began to be 
stirring ; and two or three, which doubted whether 
their pieces would go off or no, made trial of them, 
and shot them off, but thought nothing at all. After 
prayer, we prepared ourselves for breakfast, and for a 
journey ; and, it being now twilighfin the morning, it 



324 THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH. 

was thought meet to carry the things down to the 
shallop. Some said it was not best to carry the armor 
down. Others said they would be readier. Two or 
three said they would not carry theirs till they went 
themselves, but mistrusting nothing at all. As it fell 
out, the water not being high enough, they laid the 
things down upon the shore, and came up to breakfast. 
Anon, all of a sudden, we heard a great and strange 
cry, which we kne\v to be the same voices, though they 
varied their notes. One of the company, being abroad, 
came running in, and cried, " They are men ! Indians, 
Indians ! " and withal their arrows came flying amongst 
us. 

Our men ran out with all speed to recover their 
arms, as by the good providence of God they did. In 
the mean time. Captain Miles Standish, having a snap- 
hance ^ ready, made a shot ; and after him another. 
After they two had shot, other two of us were ready: 
but he wished us not to shoot till we could take aim, 
for we knew not what need we should have ; and there 
were four only of us which had their arms there ready, 
and stood before the open side of our barricado, which 
was first assaulted. They thought it best to defend it, 
lest the enemy should take it and our stuff, and so have 
the more vantage'^ against us. Our care was no less 
for the shallop ; but we hoped all the rest would defend 
it. We called unto them to know how it was with 
them; and they answered, "Well, well," every one; 
and, " Be of good courage." We heard three of their 
pieces go off ; and the rest called for a firebrand to 
light their matches. One took a log out of the fire on 

1 A flint-lock musket, then rare. "^ Advantage. 



THE FIRST ENCOUNTER. 



325 



his shoulder, and went and carried it unto them, which 
was thought did not a- Httle discourage our enemies. 
The cry of our enemies ^ was dreadful, especially when 
our men ran out to recover their arms. Their note was 
after this manner, " Woach, woach, ha ha hach woach ! " 
Our men were no sooner come to their arms, but tlie 
enemy was ready to assault them. 

There w^as a lusty man, and no whit less valiant, who 
was thought to be their captain, stood behind 
a tree, within half a musket-shot of us, and 
there let his arrows fly at us. He was seen to 
shoot three arrows, which were all avoided ; 
for he at whom the first arrow was aimed saw 
it, and stooped down ; and it flew^ over him. 
The rest were avoided also. He stood three 
shots of a musket. At length one took, as he 
said, full aim at him, after which he gave an 
extraordinary cry, and away they went all. 
We followed them about a quarter of a mile : 
but we left six to keep our shallop ; for we 
were very careful of our business. Then we 
shouted all together two several times, and 
shot off a couple of muskets, and so returned, sword of 
This we did, that they might see we were not ^'^•^n^'^"- 



Thus it pleased God to vanquish our enemies, and 
give us deliverance. By their noise w^e could not guess 
they were less than thirty or forty, though some thought 
that they were many more ; yet, in the dark of the 
morning, we could not so well discern them among 



the trees as they could see us by our fireside. 

1 These were the Xauset Ind'.ans. 



We 



326 THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH. 

took up eighteen of their arrows, which we have sent 
to England by Master Jones, some whereof were headed 
with brass, others with harts' horn, and others with 
eagles' claws. Many more, no doubt, were shot, for 
these we found were almost covered with leaves : yet, 
by the especial providence of God, none of them either 
hit or hurt us, though many came close by us, and on 
every side of us ; and some coats which hung up in our 
barricade were shot through and through. So, after we 
had given God thanks for our deliverance, we took our 
shallop, and went our journey, and called this place 
"The First Encounter." 



IV. — The Landing on Plymouth Rock. 

[The same explcring-party, in a shallop, finally reached Plymouth 
harbor. ] 

Having the wind good, we sailed all that day along 
the coast about fifteen leagues, but saw neither river 
nor creek to put into. After we had sailed an hour or 
two, it began to snow and rain, and to be bad weather. 
About the midst of the afternoon, the wind increased, 
and the seas began to be very rough ; and the hinges 
of the rudder broke, so that we could steer no longer; 
but two men, with much ado, were fain to serve with 
a couple of oars. The seas were grown so great, that 
we .were much troubled and in great danger ; and night 
drew on. Anon Master Coppin bade us be of good 
cheer : he saw the harbor. As we drew near, the gale 
being stiff, and we bearing great sail to get in, split our 



THE LANDING ON PLYMOUTH ROCK. 



327 



mast in three pieces, and were like to have cast away 
our shallop. Yet b}' -God's mercy, recovering our- 
selves, we had the flood ^ with us, and struck into the 
harbor. 

Now^ he that thought that had been the place v/as 




:dav on clakk 



deceived, it being a place where not any of us had 
been before ; and, coming into the harbor, he that was 
our pilot did bear up northward, which if we had con- 
tinued we had been cast away. Yet still the Lord kept 
us, and we bare up for an island '-^ before us ; and 
recovering of that island, being compassed about with 

1 Tide. 

2 Clark's Island. It was named after the mate of the "Mayflower,"' 
who is said to have been the first to land there. 



32S THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH. 

many rocks, and dark night growing upon us, it pleased 
the divine Providence that we fell upon a place of 
sandy ground, where our shallop did ride safe and 
secure all that night ; and, coming upon a strange 
island, kept our watch all night in the rain upon 
that island. And in the morning we marched about 
it, and found no inhabitants at all ; and here we made 
our rendezvous all that day, being Saturday, 9th "of 
December. 

On the sabbath day we rested ; and on Monday we 
sounded the harbor, and found it a very good harbor 
for our shipping. We marched also into the land,' and 
found divers cornfields, and little running brooks, — a 
place very good for situation : so we returned to our 
ship again with good news to the rest of our people, 
which did much comfort their hearts. 



V. — Plymouth Village founded. 

[The expedition havin'j returned to the ship, the " Mayflower'* came to 
Plymouth harbor, and landed the colonists.] 

So in the morning, after we had called on God for 
direction, we came to this resolution, to go presently 
ashore again, and to take a better view of two places 
which we thought most fitting for us ; for we could not 

1 This was the " landing of the Pilgrims." Allowing for the change in 
the calendar, called " New Style," it corresponds to the 21st of December, 
though it was long considered to correspond to the 22d, " New Style " 
means the modern or Gregorian mode of reckoning time, which was pro- 
posed by Pope Gregory XIII. in 1582, but not adopted in England till 
September, 1752. 



PLYMOUTH VILLAGE FOUNDED. 



329 



now take time for further search or consideration, our 
victuals being much spent, especially our beer, and it 
being now the 19th of December. After our landing 
and viewing of the places, so well as we could, we 
came to a conclusion, by most voices, to set on the 
mainland, on the first place, on a high ground, where 
there is a great deal of land cleared, and hath been 
planted with corn three or four years ago ; and there is 
a very sweet brook runs under the hillside, and many 
delicate springs of as good water as can be drunk, and 
where we may harbor our shallops and boats exceeding 
well ; and in this brook much good fish in their sea- 
sons : on the farther side of the river also much corn- 
ground cleared. In one field is a great hill, on which 
we point ^ to make a platform, and plant our ordnance, 
which will command all round about. From thence we 
may see into the bay, and far into the sea ; and we 
may see thence Cape Cod. Our greatest labor will be 
fetching of our wood, which is half a quarter of an 
English mile ; but there is enough so far off. What 
people inhabit here we yet know not ; for as yet we 
have seen none. So there we made our rendezvous, 
and a place for some of our people, about twenty, re- 
solving in the morning to come all ashore, and to build 
houses. 

But the next morning, being Thursday, the 21st of 
December, it was stormy and wet, that we could not 
go ashore; and those that remained there all night 
could do nothing, but were wet, not having daylight 
enough to make them a sufficient court of guard - to 

1 Appoint, or propose. 
- Guard-house. 



330 THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH. 

keep them dry. All that night it blew and rained 
extremely. It was so tempestuous, that the shallop 
could not go on land so soon as was meet, for they had 
no victuals on land. About eleven o'clock, the shallop 
went off with much ado, with provisions, but could not 
return, it blew so strong ; and was such foul weather 
that we were forced to let fall our anchor, and ride 
with three anchors ahead. 

Friday, the 22d, the storm still continued, that we 
could not get a-land, nor they come to us aboard. 

Saturda}^, the 23d, so many of us as could went on 
shore, felled and carried timber, to provide themselves 
stuff for building. 

Sunday, the 24th, our people on shore heard a cry 
of some savages, as they thought, which caused an 
alarm, and to stand on their guard, expecting an 
assault ; but all was quiet. 

Monday, the twenty-fifth day, we went on shore, — 
some to fell timber, some to saw, some to rive,^ and 
some to carry : so no man rested all that day. But 
towards night, some, as they were at w^ork, heard a 
noise of some Indians, which caused us all to go to our 
muskets ; but we heard no further. So we came aboard 
again, and left some twenty to keep the court of guard. 
That night we had a sore storm of wind and rain. . . . 

Thursday, the 28th of December, so many as could 
went to work on the hill, where we purposed to build 
our platform for our ordnance, and which doth com- 
mand all the plain and the bay, and from whence we 
may see far into the sea, and might be easier impaled,^ 
having two rows of houses and a fair street. So in the 

1 Split. - Surrounded by palings. 



PLYMOUTH VILLAGE FOUNDED. 33 1 

afternoon we went to measure out the grounds ; and 
first we took notice how many families there were, 
willing^ all single men that had no wives to join with 
some family, as they thought fit, that so we might build 
fewer houses ; which was done, and we reduced them 
to nineteen families. To greater families \we allowed 




LANDING OF MARY CHILTON. 



larger plots, — to every person half a pole in breadth, 
and three in length ; and so lots were cast where every 
man should lie ; which was done, and staked out. We 
thought this proportion was large enough at the first, 
for houses and gardens to impale them round, con- 
sidering the weakness of our people, many of them 
growing ill with colds ; for our former discoveries in 
frost and storms, and the wading at Cape Cod, had 
brought much weakness amongst us, which increased 

1 Requiring. 



332 THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH. 

SO every clay more and more, and after was the cause 
of many of their deaths. . . . 

Monday, the 8th of January, was a very fair day, and 
we went betimes to work. Master Jones sent the 
shallop, as he had formerly done, to see where fish 
could be got. They had a great storm at sea, and 
were in some danger. At night they returned with 
three great seals, and an excellent good cod, which did 
assure us that we should have plenty of fish shortly. 

This day Francis Billington, having the week before 
seen from the top of a tree on a high hill a great sea,^ 
as he thought, went with one of the master's mates to 
see it. They went three miles, and then came to a 
great water, divided into two great lakes ; the bigger 
of them five or six miles in circuit, and in it an isle a 
cable-length square ; the other three miles in compass, 
in their estimation. They are fine fresh water, full of 
fish and fowl. A brook - issues from it. It will be an 
excellent place for us in time. They found seven or 
eight Indian houses, but not lately inhabited. When 
they saw the houses, they were in some fear ; for they 
were but two persons, and one piece. 

Tuesday, the 9th of January, was a reasonable fair 
day ; and we went to labor that day in the building 
of our town, in two rows of houses,^ for more safety. 
We divided by lot the plot of ground whereon to build 
our town, after the proportion formerly allotted. We 
agreed that every man should build his own house, 
thinking, by that course, men would make more haste 

1 It is still called Billington Sea. 2 Town Brook. 

3 These houses were built on each sidi of Leyden Street, which now 
extends from the First Church to the harbor. 



"welcome, englishmen!" ^;^;^ 

than working in common. The common house, in 
which, for the first, we made our rendezvous, being near 
finished, wanted only covering, it being about twenty 
foot square. Some should make mortar, and gather 
thatch ; so that in four days half of it was thatched. 
Frost and foul weather hindered us much.^ This time 
of the year, seldom could we work half the week. 



.VI. — " Welcome, Englishmen ! " 

And, whilst we were busied hereabout, we were in- 
terrupted again ; for there presented himself a savage, 
which caused an alarm. He very boldly came all 
alone, and along the houses, straight to the rendezvous ; 
where we intercepted him, not suffering him to go in, 
as undoubtedly he would out of- his boldness. He 
saluted us in English, and bade us " Welcome ; " for 
he had learned some broken English among the English- 
men that came to fish at Monhiggon,^ and knew by 
name the most of the captains, commanders, and mas- 
ters that usually come. He was a man free in speech, 
so far as he could express his mind, and of a seemly 
carriage. We questioned him of many things. He was 
the first savage we could meet withal. He said he was 
not of these parts, but of Morattiggon, and one of the 
sagamores or lords thereof, and had been eight months 
in these parts, it lying hence a day's sail with a great 
wind, and five days by land. He discoursed of the 

lit was, however, an unusually mild winter. 2 Beware of. 

" Monhegan, an island on the coast of Maine. 



334 THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH. 

whole country, and of every province, and of their 
sagamores, and their number of men, and strength. 
The wind beginning to rise a Httle, we cast a horse- 
man's coat about him ; for he was stark naked, only a 
leather about his waist, with a fringe about a span long, 
or little more. He had a bow and • two arrows, — the 
one headed, the other unheaded. He was a tall, straight 
man ; the hair of his head black, long behind, only 
short before, none on his face at all. He asked some 
beer ; but we gave him strong water,^ and biscuit, and 
butter, and cheese, and pudding, and a piece of mal- 
lard f all which he liked well, and had been acquainted 
with such amongst the English. 

He told us the place where w^e now live is called 
Patuxet, and that, about four years ago, all the inhab- 
itants died of an extraordinary plague, and there is 
neither man, woman, nor child remaining, as indeed we 
have found none ; so as there is none to hinder our 
possession, or to lay claim unto it. All the afternoon 
we spent in communication \vith him. We would gladly 
have been rid of him at night ; but he was not willing 
to go this night. Then we thought to carry him on 
shipboard, wherewith he was well content, and went 
into the shallop ; but the wind was high, and the water 
scant, that it could not return back. We lodged him 
that night at Stephen Hopkins's house, and watched 
him. 

The next day, he w^ent away back to the Massasoits,^ 
from whence he said he came, who are our next border- 

1 Ardent spirits. ••2 Mallard-duck. 

S Massasoit was the name of a sachem ; but they mistook it for the name 
of a tribe. 



" WELCOME, ENGLISHMEN ! " 335 

ing neighbors. They are sixty strong, as he saith. The 
Nausites are as near, south-east of them, and are a hun- 
dred strong ; and those were they of ' whom our people 
were encountered, as we before related. They are 
much incensed and provoked against the English, and, 
about eight months ago, slew three Englishmen; and two 
more hardly escaped by flight to Monhiggon. They 
were Sir Ferdinando Gorges' men, as this savage told 
us ; as he did likewise of the huggery^ that is, fight,'^ 
that our discoverers had with the Nausites, and of our 
tools that were taken out of the woods, which we willed 
him should be brought again : otherwise we would 
right ourselves. These people are ill affected towards 
the English by reason of one Hunt,^ a master of a 
ship, who deceived the people, and got them, under 
color of trucking with them, — twenty out of this very 
place where we inhabit, and seven men from the 
Nausites; — and carried them away, and sold them for 
slaves, like a wretched man — for twenty pound a man 
— that cares not what mischief he doth for his profit. 

Saturday, in the morning, we dismissed the savage, 
and gave him a knife, a bracelet, and a ring. He 
promised within a night or two to come again, and to 
bring with him some of the Massasoits, our neighbors, 
with such beavers' skins as they had to truck ^ with us. 

Saturday and Sunday, reasonable fair days. On this 
day came again the savage, and brought with him five 
other tall, proper men. They had every man a deer's 

1 By. 

2 The fight took place at Martha's Vineyard, July i, 1620. 

3 This Captain Hunt had kidnapped Indians, and carried them to Spain 
as slaves. The monks of- Malaga set them at liberty. 

4 Trade. 



;^;^6 THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH. 

skin on him ; and the principal of them had a wildcat's 
skin, or such like, on the one arm. They had, most of 
them, long hose up to their groins, close made, and 
above their groins, to their waist, another leather : they 
were altogether like the Irish trousers. They are of 
complexion like our English gypsies ; no hair, or very 
little, on their faces ; on their heads, long hair to their 
shoulders, only cut before, — some trussed up before 
with a feather, broad-wise, like a fan ; another, a fox-tail 
hanging out. These left — according to our charge 
given him before — their ho\YS and arrows a quarter 
a mile of from our town. 

We gave them entertainment as we thought was fit- 
ting them. They did eat liberally of our English vic- 
tuals. They made semblance unto us of friendship and 
amity. They sang and danced after their manner like 
antics.' They brought with them in a thing like a bow- 
case — which the principal of them had about his waist 
— a little of their corn pounded to powder, which, put to 
a little water, they eat. He had a little tobacco in his 
bag ; but none of them drank - but when he liked. 
Some of them had their faces painted black, from the 
forehead to the chin, four or five fingers broad ; others 
after other fashions, as they liked. 

They brought three or four skins ; but we would not 
truck with them at all that day, but wished them to 
bring more, and we would truck for all ; which they 
promised within a night or two, and would leave these 
behind them, though we were not willing they should ; 
and they brought us all our tools again, which were 
taken in the woods, in our men's absence. So, because 

1 Clowns. 2 Smoked. 



WELCOME, ENGLISHMEN 



337 



of the day, we dismissed them as soon as we could. 
But Samoset, our first acquaintance, either was sick, or 
feigned himself so, and would not go with them, and 
staid with us till Wednesday morning. Then we sent 
him to them to know the reason they came not accord- 
ing to their words ; and we gave him a hat, a pair of 
stockings and shoes, a shirt, and a piece of cloth to tie 
about his waist. 




GOV. CARVER S CHAIR. 



BOOK XV. 

THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. 

(A.D. 1629-1631.) 



The first of these extracts is from Rev. Francis Higginson's " True Re- 
lation of the Last Voyage to New England, written from New England, 
July 24, 1629," reprinted in Young's "Chronicles of the First Planters 
of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay:" Boston, 1846 (pp. 235-237). The 
second is from the same work : (Young, pp. 232-235). The third is from 
"New England's Plantation; or, A Short and True Description of the 
Commodities and Discommodities of that Coimtry," by Francis Higginson : 
London, 1630: (Young, pp. 242-256). This pamphlet attracted so much 
attention, that three distinct editions of it were published in a year. 

The next two passages are from " Life and Letters of John Winthrop " 
(vol. ii. pp. 15-16, 64-65). The last passage is from the "Memoirs of 
Captain Roger Clap : " (Young, pp. 351-354)- 



THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. 



I. — The Voyage of the Massachusetts Colonists. 

[The first large colony of the Massachusetts Bay Company sailed from 
England in April, 1629, with two hundred people ; Governor Endicott, with 
"a few men," having preceded them the year before. The Reverend 
Francis Higginson was the leader of this larger party. These were the 
colonists properly called Puritans, as distinct from the Pilgrims, who set- 
tled Plymouth.] 

NOW in our passage divers things are remark- 
able. 
First, through God's blessing, our passage was short 
and speedy ; for whereas we had a thousand leagues, 
that is, three thousand miles English, to sail from Old 
to New England, we performed the same in six weeks 
and three days. 

Secondly, our passage was comfortable and easy, for 
the most part, having ordinarily fair and moderate 
wind, and being freed, for the most part, from rough and 
stormy seas, saving one night only, which we that were 
not used thought to be more terrible than indeed it 
was; and this was Wednesday at night, May 27. 

341 



342 



THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. 



Thirdly, our passage was also healthful to our pas- 
sengers, being freed from the great contagion of the 
scurvy and other maledictions,^ which in other passages 
to other places had taken away the lives of many. And 
yet we were, in all reason, in wonderful danger all the 
way, our ship being greatly crowded with passengers ; 
but, through God's great goodness, we had none that 
died of the pox, but that wicked fellow that scorned at 
fasting and prayer. There were, indeed, two little chil- 
dren, — one of my own, and 
another beside : but I do not 
impute it merely to the pas- 
sage ; for they were both very 
sickly children, and not likely 
to have lived long if they had 
not gone to sea. And take 
this for a rule, if children be 
healthful when they come to 
sea, the younger they are, the 
better they will endure the sea, 
and are not troubled with sea-sickness as older people 
are, as we had experience in many children that went 
this voyage. My wife, indeed, in tossing weather, was 
but in calm weather she recovered 
and is now much better for the sea-sickness. 




FRANCIS HIGGINSON. 



something ill ; 



igam. 



And for my own part, whereas I have for divers years 
past been very sickly, . . . and was veiy sick at Lon- 
don and Gravesend, yet from the time I came on ship- 
board to this day I have been strangely healthful ; 
and now I can digest our ship diet very well, which I 
could not when I was at land. . . . Also divers children 



1 Maladies. 



MASSACHUSETTS COLONISTS IN SALEM HARBOR. 343 

were sick of the smallpox, but are safely recovered 
again ; and two or three passengers, towards the latter 
end of the voyage, fell sick of the scurvy, but, coming 
to land, recovered in a short time. 

Fourthly, our passage was both pleasurable and 
profitable ; for we received instruction and delight in 
beholding the wonders of the Lord in the deep waters, 
and sometimes seeing the sea round us appearing with 
a terrible countenance, and, as it were, full of high 
hills and deep valleys ; and sometimes it appeared as 
a most plain and even meadow. And ever and anon 
we saw divers kinds of fishes sporting in the great 
waters, great grampuses and huge whales going by 
companies, and puffing up water-streams. Those that 
love their own chimney-corner, and dare not go far 
beyond' their own town's end, shall never have the 
honor to see these wonderful works of Almighty God. 



II. — The Massachusetts Bay Colonists in Salem 
Harbor. 

Friday a foggy morning, but after clear, and wind 
calm. We saw many schools of mackerel, infinite mul- 
titudes on every side of our ship. The sea was abun- 
dantly stored with rockweed and yellow flowers like 
gilliflowers. By noon we were within three leagues 
of Cape Ann ; and, as we sailed along the coasts, we 
saw every hill and dale, and every island, full of gay 
woods and high trees. The nearer we came to the 
shore, the more flowers in abundance, — sometimes scat- 
tered abroad, sometimes joined in sheets nine or ten 



344 THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. 

yards long, which we supposed to be brought from the 
low meadows by the tide.^ Now what, with fine woods 
and green trees by land, and these yellow flowers paint- 
ing the sea, made us all desirous to see our new para- 
dise of New England, whence we saw such forerunning 
signal- of fertility afar off. Coming near the harbor 
towards night, we tacked about for sea-room. 

Saturday a foggy morning, but, after eight o'clock in 
the morning, very clear. The wind being somewhat 
contrary at south and by west, we tacked to and again 
with getting little, but with much ado. About four 
o'clock in the afternoon, having with much pain com- 
passed the harbor, and being ready to enter the same, 
(see how things may suddenly change !) there came a 
fearful gust of wind and rain, and thunder and light- 
ning, whereby we were borne with no little terror and 
trouble to our mariners, having very much ado to loose 
down the sails when the fury of the storm struck us. 
But, God be praised ! it lasted but a while, and soon 
abated again. And hereby the Lord showed us what 
he could have done with us, if it had pleased him. 
But, blessed be God ! he soon removed this storm, and 
it was a fair and sweet evening. 

We had a westerly wind, which brought us, between 
five and six o'clock, to a fine and sweet harbor ^ seven 
miles from the head-point of Cape Ann. This harbor 
twenty ships may easily ride therein ; where there was 
an island,'* whither four of our men with a boat went, 

1 These may have been buttercups washed from the shore. It lias also 
been supposed that they might be actinicE, or sea-anemones, torn from the 
rocks. 

2 i.e., signs of fertility, seen in advance. 

3 Gloucester harbor. * Ten-Pound Island. 



MASSACHUSETTS COLONISTS IN SALEM HARBOR. 345 



and brought back again ripe strawberries and goose- 
berries, and sweet single roses. Thus God was merciful 
to us in giving us a taste and smell of the sweet fruit 
as an earnest of his bountiful goodness to welcome us 
at our first arrival. This harbor was two leagues and 
something more from the harbor at Naimkecke/ where 
our ships were to rest, and the plantation is already 
begun. But because the passage is difficult, and night 
drew on, we put into Cape Ann harbor. 

The sabbath, being the first we kept in America, and 
the seventh Lord's Day after we parted with England. 

Monday we came from Cape Ann to go to Naim- 
kecke, the wind northerly. I should have told you 
before, that, the planters 
spying our English colors, 
the governor- sent a shallop 
with two men to pilot us. 
These rested the sabbath 
with us at Cape Ann ; and 
this day, by God's blessing 
and their directions, we 
passed the curious and diffi- 
cult entrance into the large, 
spacious harbor of Naim- 
kecke. And, as we passed 
along, it was wonderful to behold so many islands, 
replenished with thick wood and high trees, and many 
fair, green pastures. And, being come into the harbor, 
we saw the " George," to our great comfort, there being 
come on Tuesday, which was seven days before us. 




GOVEKNOK ENDiCOTT. 



1 Afterwards Salem. 

2 John Endicott, who had arrived in September 



[628. 



346 THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. 

We rested that night with glad and thankful hearts 
that God had put an end to our long and tedious 
journey through the greatest sea in the world. 

The next morning, the governor came aboard to our 
ship, and bade us kindly welcome, and invited me and 
my wife to come on shore, and take our lodging in his 
house, which we did accordingly. 



III. — Fire, Air, Earth, and Water in New Eng- 
land. 

[As described by Francis Higginson, 1629.] 

Letting pass our voyage by sea, we will now begin 
our discourse on the shore of New England. And 
because the life and welfare of every creature here 
below, and the commodiousness of the country whereas 
such creatures live, doth, by the most wise ordering of 
God's providence, depend, next unto himself, upon the 
temperature and disposition of the four elements, earth, 
water, air, and fire, . . . therefore I will endeavor to 
show you what New England is, by the consideration of 
each of these apart ; and truly endeavor, by God's help, 
to report nothing but the naked truth, and that both 
to tell you of the discommodities as well as of the com- 
modities. Though, as the idle proverb is, " Travellers 
may lie by authority," and so may take too much sinful 
liberty that way, yet I may say of myself, as once Nehe- 
miah did in another case, Shall such a man as I lie? 
No, verily. . . . 



OF THE EARTH OF NEW ENGLAND. 347 

Of the Earth of New England. 

It is a land of divers and sundry sorts all about 
Masathulets ^ Bay; and at Charles River is as fat black 
earth as can be seen anywhere ; and in other places you 
have a clay soil ; in other, gravel ; in other, sandy, as it 
is all about our plantation at Salem ; for so our town is 
now named. 




FIRST CHURCH IN SALEM. 



The form of the earth here, in the superficies of it, is 
neither too flat in the plainness, nor too high in hills, 
but partakes of both in a mediocrity, and fit for pasture, 
or for plough or meadow ground, as men please to 
employ it. Though all the country be, as it were, a 
thick wood for the general, yet in divers places there is 
much ground cleared by the Indians, and especially 
1 Massachusetts. 



34^ THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. 

about the plantation ; and I am told, that, about three 
miles from us, a man may stand on a little hilly place, 
and see divers thousands of acres of ground as good as 
need to be, and not a tree in the same. . . . 

In our plantation we have already a quart of milk 
for a penny. But the abundant increase of corn 
proves this country to be a wonderment. Thirty, forty, 
fifty, sixty, are ordinary here : yea, Joseph's increase 
in Egypt is outstripped here with us. Our planters 
hope to have more than a hundred-fold this year. And 
all this while I am within compass : what will you say 
of two-hundred-fold, and upwards } It is almost incredi- 
ble what great gain some of our English planters have 
had by our Indian corn. Credible persons have 
assured me, and the party himself avouched the truth of 
it to me, that, of the setting of thirteen gallons of 
corn, he hath had increase of it fifty-two hogsheads, 
every hogshead holding seven bushels of London meas- 
ure ; and every bushel was by him sold and trusted to 
the Indians for so much beaver as was worth eighteen 
shillings ; and so of this thirteen gallons of corn, 
which was worth six shillings eightpence, he made 
about ;^327 of it the year following, as by reckoning 
will appear : where you may see how God blesseth 
husbandry in this land. There is not such great and 
plentiful ears of corn, I suppose, anywhere else to be 
found but in this country, being also of variety of 
colors, as red, blue, and yellow, &c.; and of one corn 
there springeth four or five hundred. I have sent you 
many ears of divers colors, that you might see the 
truth of it. 

Little children here, by setting of corn, may earn 
much more than their own maintenance. . . . 



OF THE WATER OF NEW ENGLAND. 349 

For beasts, there are some bears, and they say some 
lions also ; for they have been seen at Cape Ann. 
Also here are several sorts of deer, some whereof 
bring three or four young ones at once, which is not 
ordinary in England ; also wolves, foxes, beavers, mar- 
tens, great wildcats, and a great beast called a molke,^ 
as big as an ox. I have seen the skins of all these 
beasts since I came to this plantation, excepting lions. 
Also here are great store of squirrels, — some greater, 
and some smaller and lesser: there are some of the 
lesser sort, they tell me, that by a certain skin will fly 
from tree to tree,- though they stand far distant. 

Of the Water of New England. 

New England hath water enough, both salt and fresh. 
The greatest sea in the world, the Atlantic Sea, runs 
all along the coast thereof. There are abundance of 
islands along the shore, some full of wood and mast, to 
feed swine, and others clear of wood, and fruitful, to 
bear corn. Also we have store of excellent harbors 
for ships, as at Cape Ann, and at Masathulets Bay, 
and at Salem, and at many other places ; and they are 
the better, because for strangers there is a very difficult 
and- dangerous passage into them ; but unto such as are 
well acquainted with them they are easy and safe enough. 
The abundance of sea-fish are almost beyond believ- 
ing ; and sure I should scarce have believed it, except I 
had seen it with mine own eyes. I saw great store of 
whales, and grampuses, and such abundance of mack- 

1 Probably the moose. The lions were imaginary. 

2 The flying-squirrel, which has a membrane connecting the fore and 
hind paws on each side. 



350 THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. 

erels, that it would astonish one to behold ; likewise 
codfish, abundance on the coast, and in their season 
are plentifully taken. There is a fish called a bass, a 
most sweet and wholesome fish as ever I did eat : it 
is altogether as good as our fresh salmon ; and the 
season of their coming was begun when we came first 
to New England in June, and so continued about three 
months' space. Of this fish our fishers take many 
hundreds together, which I have seen lying on the 
shore, to my admiration. Yea, their nets ordinarily 
take more than they are able to haul to land : and, for 
want of boats and men, they are constrained to let a 
many go after they have taken them ; and yet some- 
times they fill two boats at a time with them. And, 
besides bass, we take plenty of skate and thornback, and 
abundance of lobsters ; and the least boy in the planta- 
tion may both catch and eat what he will of them. 
For m.y own part, I was soon cloyed with them, they 
were so great and fat and luscious. I have seen some 
myself that have weighed sixteen pound ; but others 
have had, divers times, so great lobsters as have 
weighed twenty-five pound, as they assured me. . . . 

Of the Air of New England. 

The temper of the air of New England is one special 
thing that commends this place. Experience doth 
manifest that there is hardly a more healthful place to 
be found in the world that agreeth better with our Eng- 
lish bodies. Many that have been weak and sickly in 
Old England, by coming hither have been thoroughly 
healed, and grown healthful and strong ; for here is a 
most extraordinary clear and dry air, that is of a most 



OF THE AIR OF NEW ENGLAND. 35 1 

healing nature to all such as are of a cold, melancholy, 
phlegmatic, rheumatic temper of body. None can 
more truly speak hereof by their own experience than 
myself. My friends that knew me can well tell how 
very sickly I have been, and continually in physic. . . , 

And I that have not gone without a cap for many 
years together, neither durst leave ofif the same, have 
now cast away my cap, and do wear none at all in the 
daytime. And whereas beforetime I clothed myself 
with double clothes and thick waistcoats to keep me 
warm, even in the summer-time, I do now go as thin 
clad as any. . . . Besides, I have one of my children, 
that was formerly most lamentably handled with sore 
breaking out of both his hands and feet, of the king's- 
evil ; but since he came hither he is very well [as] ever he 
was, and there is liope of perfect recovery shortly, even 
by the very wholesomeness of the air, altering, digest- 
ing, and drying up the cold and crude humors of the 
body ; and therefore I think it is a wise course for all 
cold complexions to come to take physic in New Eng- 
land ; for a sup of New England's air is better than a 
whole draught of Old England's ale. 

In the summer-time, in the midst of July and August, 
it is a good deal hotter than in Old England ; and in 
winter January and February are much colder, so they 
say ; but the spring and autumn are of a middle 
temper. 

Fowls of the air are plentiful here, and of all sorts as 
we have in England, as far as I can learn, and a great 
many of strange fowls which we know not. Whilst I 
was writing these things, one of our men brought home 
an eagle which he had killed in the wood : they say 



352 THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. 

they are good meat. Also here are many kinds of 
excellent hawks, both sea-hawks and land-hawks ; and 
myself walking in the woods, with another in company, 
sprung a partridge so big, that through the heaviness of 
his body could fly but a little way : they that have killed 
them say they are as big as our hens. Here are like- 
wise abundance of turkeys often killed in the woods, 
far greater than our English turkeys, and exceeding fat, 
sweet, and fleshy ; for here they have abundance of feed- 
ing all the year long, as strawberries, — in summer all 
places are full of them, — and all manner of berries and 
fruits. In the winter-time I have seen flocks of pigeons, 
and have eaten of them. They do fly from tree to tree, 
as other birds do, which our pigeons wall not do in 
England. They are of all colors, as purs are ; but their 
wings and tails are much longer ; and therefore it is 
likely they fly swifter to escape the terrible hawks in 
this country. In winter-time this country doth abound 
with wild geese, wild ducks, and other sea-fowl, that a 
great part of winter the planters have eaten nothing 
but roast meat of divers fowls which they have killed. 

Of the Fire of Nao England. 

Thus you have heard of the earth, water, and air of 
New England. Now it may be you expect something 
to be said of the fire, proportionable to the rest of the 
elements. 

Indeed, I think New England may boast of this ele- 
ment more than of all the rest. For though it be here 
somewhat cold in the winter, yet here we have plenty of 
fire to warm us, and that a great deal cheaper than 
they sell billets and fagots in London : nay, all Europe 



OF THE FIRE OF NEW ENGLAND. 353 

is not able to afford to make so great fires as New Eng- 
land. A poor servant here, that is to possess but fifty 
acres of land, may afford to give more wood for timber 
and fire, as good as the world yields, than many noble- 
men in England can afford to do. Here is good living 
for those that love good fires. And although New 
England have no tallow to make candles of, yet, by the 
abundance of the fish thereof, it can afford oil for 
lamps. Yea, our pine-trees, that are the most plentiful 
of all wood, doth allow us plenty of candles, which are 
very useful in a house ; and they are such candles as 
the Indians commonly use, having no other ; and they 
are nothing else but the wood of the pine-tree cloven in 
two little slices something thin, which are so full of 
turpentine and pitch, that they burn as clear as a torch. 
I have sent you some of them that you may see the 
experience of them. 

New England's Discominodities} 

Thus of New England's commodities. Now I will 
tell you of some discommodities that are here to be 
found. 

First, in the summer season, for these three months 
June, July, and August, we are troubled much with little 
flies called mosquitoes, being the same they are troubled 
with in Lincolnshire and the fens ; and they are nothing 
but gnats, which, except they be smoked out of their 
houses, are troublesome in the night season. 

Secondly, in the winter season, for two months' space, 
the earth is commonly covered with snow, which is 
accompanied with sharp, biting frosts, something more 

1 Inconveniences. 



354 THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. 

sharp than is in Old England, and therefore are forced 
to make great fires. 

Thirdly, this country, being very full of woods and 
wildernesses, doth also much abound with snakes and 
serpents, of strange colors and huge greatness. Yea, 
there are some serpents, called rattlesnakes, that have 
rattles in their tails, that will not fly from a man as 
others will, but will fly upon him, and sting him so mor- 
tally that he will die within a quarter of an hour after, 
except the party stinged have about him some of the 




JLD PLANTERS HOUSE AT SALEM. 



root of an herb called snake-weed to bite on ; and then 
he shall receive no harm. But yet seldom falls it out 
that any hurt is done by these. About three years 
since, an Indian was stung to death by one of them; 
but we heard of none since that time. 

Fourthly and lastly, here wants as yet the good com- 
pany of honest Christians, to bring with them horses, 
kine, and sheep, to make use of this fruitful land. 
Great pity it is to see so much good ground for corn 
and for grass as any is under the heavens, to lie alto- 



A SEA-ADVENTURE OF THE PURITANS. 355 

gether unoccupied, when so many honest men and their 
families in Old England, through the populousness 
thereof, do make very hard shift to live one by the 
other. 



IV. — A Sea- Adventure OF THE Puritan Colonists. 

[Governor John W^inthrop, with a large number of colonists, sailed from 
England in April, 1630. Seventeen vessels came to the Massachusetts 
Colony that year, bringing nearly a thousand people. England was then 
at war with Spain ; and many Spanish cruisers made their rendezvous at 
Dunkirk, and other ports in the Spanish Netherlands, whence they were 
called " Dunkirkers."] 

April 9. — In the morning we descried from the top, 
eight sail astern of us, whom Captain Lowe told us he 
had seen at Dunnose in the evening. We supposing 
they might be Dunkirkers, our captain caused the gun- 
room and gundeck to be cleared. All the hammocks 
were taken down, our ordnance loaded, and our powder- 
chests and fireworks made ready, and our landmen 
quartered among the seamen, and twenty-five of them 
appointed for muskets, and every man written down for 
his quarter.^ 

The wind continued north, with fair weather ; and 
after noon it calmed, and we still saw those eight ships 
to stand towards us. Having more wind than we, they 
came up apace : so as our captain, and the masters of 
our consorts, were more occasioned to think they might 
be Dunkirkers ; for we were told at Yarmouth that there 
were ten sail of them waiting for us. Whereupon we 
all prepared to fight with them, and took down some 

1 i.e., assigned to a certain place in the ship. 



356 THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. 

cabins which were in the way of our ordnance ; and out 
of every ship were thrown such bed-matters as were 
subject to take fire ; and we heaved out our long-boats, 
and put up our waist-cloths,^ and drew forth our men, 
and armed them with muskets and other weapons, and 
instruments for fireworks ; and, for an experiment, our 
captain shot a ball of wildfire, fastened to an arrow, out 
of a crossbow, which burnt in the water a good time. 

The Lady Arbella - and the other women and children 
were removed into the lower deck, that they might be 
out of danger. All things being thus fitted, we went 
to prayer upon the upper deck. It was much to see 
how cheerful and comfortable all the company appeared. 
Not a woman or child that showed fear, though all did 
apprehend the danger to have been great, if things had 
proved as might well be' expected ; for there had been 
eight against four, and the least of the enemy's ships 
were reported to carry thirty brass pieces. But our 
trust was in the Lord of hosts ; and the courage of our 
captain, and his care and diligence, did much encourage 
us. 

It was now about one "of the clock, and the fleet 
seemed to be within a league of us : therefore our cap- 
tain, because he would show he was not afraid of them, 
and that he might see the issue before night should 
overtake us, tacked about, and stood to meet them. 
And, when we came near, we perceived them to be our 
friends, — the " Little Neptune," a ship of some twenty 

1 To protect the sides of the vessel. 

2 Lady Arbella Johnson, daughter of the Earl of Lincoln, and wife of 
Isaac Johnson, to whom the settlement of Boston was chiefly due. She 
died soon after her arrival. 



GOVERNOR WINTHROP. 



357 



pieces of ordnance, and her two consorts, bound for the 
straits ; a ship of Flushing, and a Frenchman, and three 
other English ships, bound for Canada and Newfound- 
land. So, when we drew near, every ship, as they met, 
saluted each other, and the musketeers discharged their 
small shot ; and so, God be praised ! our fear and danger 
was turned into mirth and friendly entertainment. 

V. — Governor Winthrop's Night out of Doors. 



The governor, being at his farm-house at Mistick,^ 
walked out after supper, and took a piece ^ in his hand, 
supposing he might see a wolf ; for they came daily 
about the house, and killed swine and calves, &c. And, 
being about half a mile off, 
it grew suddenly dark, so 
as in coming home he mis- 
took his path, and went till 
he came to a little house 
of Sagamore John,^ which 
stood empty. There he 
staid ; and, having a piece 
of match in his pocket, — for 
he always carried about him 
match and a compass, and, 
in summer-time, snakeweed, 
— he made a good fire near 
the house, and lay down upon some old mats which he 

1 A part of Medford, Mass. The farm still retains the name which he 
gave it, — " Ten-Hills Farm." 2 Gun. 

3 This chief is described by Governor Dudley as "a handsome young 
man, conversant with us, affecting English apparel and houses, and speak- 
ing well of our God." 




GOVERNOR WINTHROP. 



358 THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. 

found there, and so spent the night, sometimes walking 
by the fire, sometimes singing psalms, and sometimes 
getting wood, but could not sleep. It was, through 
God's mercy, a warm night,^ but, a little before day, it 
began to rain ; and, having no cloak, he made shift 
by a long pole to climb up into the house. In the 
morning, there came thither an Indian squaw ; but, 
perceiving her before she had opened the door, he 
barred her out : yet she staid there a great while, 
essaying to get in, and at last she went away, and he 
returned safe home, his servants having been much 
perplexed for him, and having walked about, and shot 
off pieces, and hallooed in the night ; but he heard 
them not. • 



VI. — The Privations of the Puritans. 

Now coming into this country, I found it a vacant 
wilderness in respect of English. There were, indeed, 
some English at Plymouth and Salem, and some few at 
Charlestown, who were very destitute when we came 
ashore ; and, planting-time being past shortly after, pro- 
vision was not to be had for money. I wrote to my 
friends, namely, to my dear father, to send me some 
provision ; which accordingly he did, and also gave 
order to one of his neighbors to supply me with what I 
needed, he being a seaman, who, coming hither, sup- 
plied me with divers things. . . . Fish was a good help 
to me and others. Bread was so very scarce, that 
sometimes I thought the very crusts of my father's 
1 Oct. II, 1631 



THE PRIVATIONS OF THE PURITANS. 



359 



table would have been very sweet unto me. And, when 
I could have meal and water and salt boiled together, 
it was so good, who could wish better ? 

In our beginning, many were in great straits for want 
of provision for themselves and their little ones. Oh 
the hunger that many suffered, and saw no hope in an 




n^^jN'n: 



FAMINE AMONG THE PILGRIMS. 



eye of reason to be supplied, only by clams and mus- 
sels and fish! We did quickly build boats, and some 
went a-fishing. But bread was with many a very scarce 
thing, and flesh of all kind as scarce. 

And in those days, in our straits, though I cannot 
say God sent a raven to feed us, as he did the prophet 
Elijah, yet this I can say to the prais'e of God's glory, 
that he sent not only poor ravenous Indians, who came 



360 THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY. 

with their baskets of corn on their backs to trade with 
us, which was a good supply unto many ; but also sent 
ships from Holland and Ireland with provisions, and 
Indian corn from Virginia, to supply the wants of his 
dear servants in this wilderness, both for food and rai- 
ment. And when people's wants were great, not only 
in one town, but in divers towns, such was the godly 
wisdom, care, and prudence — not selfishness, but self- 
denial — of our Governor Winthrop and his assistants, 
that, when a ship came laden with provisions, they did 
order that the whole cargo should be bought for a gen- 
eral stock ; and so accordingly it was, and distribution 
was made to every town, as every man had need. 
Thus God was pleased to care for his people in times 
of straits, and to fill his servants with food and glad- 
ness. Then did all the servants of God bless his holy 
name, and love one another with pure hearts fervently. 
In those days God did cause his people to trust in 
him, and to be contented with mean things. It was 
not accounted a strange thing in those days to drink 
water, and to eat samp or hominy without butter or 
milk. Indeed, it would have been a strange thing to 
see a piece of roast beef, mutton, or veal ; though it 
was not long before there was roast goat. After the 
first winter, we were very healthy, though some of us 
had no great store of corn. The Indians did some- 
times bring corn, and truck with us for clothing and 
knives ; and once I had a peck of corn, or thereabouts, 
for a little puppy-dog. Frost-fish, mussels, and clams, 
were a relief to many. If our provision be better now 
than it was then, let us not, and do you, dear children, 
take heed that you do not, forget the Lord our God. 



THE PRIVATIONS OF THE PURITANS. 361 

You have better food and raiment than was in former 
times; but have you better hearts than your fore- 
fathers had ? If so, rejoice in that mercy, and let New 
England then shout for joy. Sure, all the people of 
God in other parts of the world, that shall hear that 
the children and grandchildren of the first planters of 
New England have better hearts and are more heav- 
enly than their predecessors, they will doubtless greatly 
rejoice, and will say, " This is the generation whom the 
Lord hath blessed." 



INDEX. 



A. 



As^ouhanna, 115. 

Air of New England, The, 350, 351. 

Alaniz, De, 90. 

Amadas, Captain Philip, 177, 179, 199. 

Ameyro, 44. 

Amonate. 252. 

Anderson's " Norsemen in America," 9. 

Anne, Queen (of England), 258, 259, 

260, 262. 
Appamatuck, Queen of, 245. 
Aquixo, 132. 

Argall, Captain Samuel, 262. 
Arias, Peter, 121. 
Asher, G. M., 54, 280 
Audusta, King, 150, 153. 



B. 



Bancroft's " History of the United 

States," 60. 
Barentsen, Pieter, 307. 
Barlowe, Arthur, 177. 
Barre, Nicolas, 152. 
P.artholomevv, 164. 
Bassaba, 223. 

Bay of Chaleur visited, 99. 
Beaufort River, Ruins on, 148. 
Beauhaire, Monsieur De, i6i. 
Beiialosa, Captain, 77, Si. 
Bennet, 298, 300, 301. 
Biarni, 3, 4, 5, 6. 
Billmgton, Francis, 332. 
Birds, American, 352. 
Bouwensz, Tymen, 307. 
Bradford, Governor William, 314, 318. 
Brereton, John, 202, 203, 213. 
Brodhead, J. R., 2S0. 
Bute, Michael, 300, 30 r, 302. 



Cabot and Verrazzano, 53-70. 
John, 55. 
J. Elliot, 2. 
Sebastian, 56-59. 

Cabeza de Vaca, Voyage of, 71-96. 

Canada, The French in, 97-118, 267. 

Cape (^od visited by Standish, 312. 

Caribbees, The, 21, 23, 28, 29, 35,39, 
50. 

Cartier, Jacques, 58, 97-118. 

Carver, Governor, 319, 337. 

Cassen, George, 237, 23S. 

Castillo, Alonzo del, 77, 90. 

Champlain, Samuel de, on the war-path, 
267-278. 

Chanca, Dr., 26. 

Charlesfort, 148, 149, 152. 

Chemin, John du, 165. 

Children, Indian, 251. 

Clap, Captain Roger, 339, 358-361. 

Clement, Francis, 301. 

Cleveland, H. R., 280. 

Cogswell, J. G., 54. 

Coleridge's " Ancient Mariner," 83. 

Coligny, Admiral De, 143. 

Colman, John, 2S4. 

Colonies in New England, unsuccess- 
ful, 201-228. 

Colonies, The lost, of Virginia, 175-200. 

Colonists in Virginia, Smith's descrip- 
tion of, 234. 

Colony, Massachusetts Bay, 339-3^2. 
Plymouth, 225, 309-338. 
Popham, 223. 

Virginia (first), 186; (second) 189; 
Captain John Smith's, 229-263. 

Columbus, Christopher, Letters of, 19- 
39 ; appeal of in his old age, 51 ; and 
his companions, 17-52. 

Columbus, Diego, 51. 

3(>3 



3^4 



INDEX. 



Company, London, 222. 

Massachusetts Bay, 341. 

Plymoiitli, 222. 

West India, 303. 
Cooke, Captain, igS. 
Coppin, Master, 326. 
Corn, Indian. Profitableness of, 34S. 
Couexis, King, 150. 
Croatoan, ig2, 193, 197. 
Crol, S. J., 305. 
Cudruaigny, no. 



D. 



Danusco, Jolni, 136. 

Dare, Ananias, 194. 
Eleanor, 194. 
Virginia, 194, 200, 

Davies, James, 223. 
Captain Richard, 223. 
Captain Robert, 223, 224. 

De Costa, B. F., 9. 

De Soto, Ferdinando, 96, 119 140. 

Digby, 224. 

Domagaia, 105, 106, 109, no. 

Donnacona, 105, io5, 107, no. 

Dorantes, Andres, 77, go. 

Drake, Sir F"rancis, 187. 

Dudley, Governor, 357. 

Dunknkers, 355. 

Dutch chronicles of the New Nether- 
lands, 303-308. 



Earth of New England, The, 347. 

Eartlily paradise. The, 26. 

Eirek, the Red, 312. 

Endicott, Governor John, 341, 345, 346. 

Escobar, 40. 



Frederycke, Master Kryn, 305. 
French in Canada, The, 97-118. 
in Florida, The, 141-212. 



F. 



Fabian, Robert, 56. 
Faner, Sidrack, 302. 
Ferdinand and Isabella, 16, 25, 27, 37, 

51.. 52- 
Ferdinando, 190, 191. 
Ferdinando, Simon, 179. 
Fire of New England, The, 352. 
" First encounter," The, of Pilgrims, 

.3«9- 
Fish in New England, 350. 
Florida visited, 73, 125, 141. 
Francis I. (of France), 60, 99, 103. 



G. 



Gal legos, Baltasar de, 124, 126, 131. 

Gardar, 3. 

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 169-174. 

Captain Raleigh, 222-227. 
Gloucester (Mass.) harbor, 344, 349. 
Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 335. 
Gosnold (or Gosnoll), Bartholomew, 

203-213, 222, 231, 232. 
Gourgues, Dominic de, 166. 
Granganimeo, 180. 

Wife of, 1S4. 
Greene, Henry, 296-301. 
Gregory XIII., Pope, 290, 328. 
Grenville (or Greenville), Sir Richard, 

188, 190, 193. 
Guachoya, Cagique of, 135, 139. 
Gudrid, 14. 
Guernache, 151. 



H. 

I Hackit, Thomas, 143. 

Hais, John de, i6s. 

Hakhiyt Society, Publications of, 18, 54, 
120, 142, 202, 280. 

Hakluyt's voyages, 54, 98, 142, 169, 176. 

Harlow, Captain, 223. 

Hawkins, Captain John, i6r. 

Heckevvelder, Reverend John, 290. 

Henry VII , King (of England), 57, 58. 

Heriulf, 3, 6. 

Hia;ginson, Reverend Francis, 341-355. 

Hiilard, G. S., 230. 

Hochelaga (now Montreal), in. 

Holland, Lords States-General of, 303. 

Hopkins, Steven, 314, 334. 

Howe, George, 191. 

Huarco, 43. 

Hudson, Henry, and the New Nether- 
lands, 279-308; last voyage of, 296- 
303. 

Hudson, John, 302. 

Hunt, Captain, 335. 
Robert, 231. 

Huyck, Jan, 305. 



Indians, Canadian, 
n4. 



too, 105, 108, III, 



INDEX. 



365 



Indians, Caribbean, 21, 23, 2q, 35, 30, 50. 
Florida, 124, 127, 144, 149, 156. 
Gulf of Mexico, 7s, 83, S8, cjt, 93. 
Hudson River, 283, 290. 
Mississippi River, 131, 135, 138. 
New England, 11, 65, 204, 213, 22s. 

320, 333. 357- 
Virginia, 79, 184, 192,232,237,242, 251. 
Boats of, 24, 65, 183. 
Children of, 251. 
Ill-treatment of, by colonists, it, 64, 

124, 18S, 219, 234, 307, 335- 
Kindness of. to colonists, 22, At, 84, 

loi, 105, III, 180, 186, 234, 286. 
Mode of warfare of, 29, 92, 124, 270, 

325. 
Religious ceremonies of, 242, 250. 
Taken to England, 57, 221,2^17, 335. 
Village, 184. 



J- 



James I. (of England), 222. 
Jean, Francis, 163. 
John, Sagamore, 357. 
Johnson, Isaac, 356. 
Lady Arbella, 356. 
Jones, Master, 314, 319, 326, 332. 
Juet, Robert, 281, 300, 303. 



K. 



Karlsefni, 12-15. 
Kendall, George, 233. 
Kennebec River, Colony on, 222. 
King, Henry, 302. 

John, 299, 300. 
Kingsley, Henry, 72. 
Kolil's " History of Discovery," 9, 
Krieckebeck, Commander, 307. 



98. 



L. 



La Chere, 15T. 

La Grange, Alonsieur, 162. 

La Vigne, Monsieur, 162. 

Lane, Master Ralph, 189, 191. 

Laudonniere, Captain, Narrative of, 

140-166. 
Le Beau, 166. 
Lebenoa, 225. 
Leif the Lucky, 6-9, 12. 
Lempo, Jan, 305. 



Lincoln, Earl of, 355. 

Lions, Supposed, 171,349. 

Lobillo, John R., 124, 126. 

Lodlo, Arnold, 300, 302. 

Longfellow, H. W., poem quoted, 168. 

Losve, Captain, 355. 

Lymer, Richard, 223. 

Lys, Monsieur Du, ^59, i6r. 



M. 

Maccou, King, 151, 153. 

Maine Historical Society, 98. 

Major, R. H.. 18. 

Malaga, Moiiks of, 335. 

Mannitto, 291, 293. 

Manteo, 192, 199. 

Martin, John, 233. 

Massachusetts Bay Colony, 339-362. 

Massasoit, 334. 

Mendez, Diego, his daring deeds, 39-50. 

Menendez, Don Pedro, 159, 164, 166. 

Minuit, Honorable Pieter, 305. 

Mississippi River, Discovery of, 79, 96, 

132. 
M0C090, 128, 129, 130, 131. 
Molemaecker, Frangois, 305. 
Moore, Adam, 302. 
Moose (Molke), 349. 
Moscoso, Luysde, 138, 139. 
Moter, 298. 
Mourt's Relation, 310. 
Mouy, Sir Charles of, 99. 



N. 



Nantaquond, 258. 

Narvaez, Pamphilo de, 122. 127. 

New England's Discommodities, 353. 

New style (calendar), 290, 32S. 

New York Historical Society, 54. 

Newport, Captain Christopher, 231, 233. 

Northmen, Legends of, 1-16. 



O. 



I O'Callaghan, Dr. E. B., 268, 280. 

Opechankanough, 239. 
I Ortelius, 99. 

Ortiz, John, 127-130. 
{ Ottigny, 158. 
I Ouade, 150. 
I Oviedo, Lope de, 83, 90, 91. 



366 



INDEX. 



Pamaunkee, King of, 23S. 

Pantoja, Captain, So. 

Parkman, Francis, " Pioneers of 

France," 98, 99, 142, 149, 26S. 
Pasqualigo, Lorenzo, 55. 
Penobscot River visited, 213. 
Perce, Michael, 29S. 
Pierria. Captain Albert de la, 148, 149, 

Pilgrims at Plymouth, 309-338. 
Pizarro. Fernando, 121. 
Plymouth (Mass.) Colony, 309-338. 
Plymouth Rock, first landing on, 326 ; 

final disembarkation on, 328. 
Pocahontas, 24J, 245, 252, 257-259. 
Popham, George, Captain, 222, 225. 

Sir John, 225. 

Colony, The, 222-225. 
Powhatan, 233, 244-248, 252, 257, 258, 

261, 262. 
Prickett, Abacuk, 296. 
Princess, Indian, visit to, 1S4, 249. 
Ptolemy, 36. 
Purchas, William, 57. 
Puritans, leaving Delft Haven, 341 ; 

sea-adventure of, 355; privations of, 

35S. 



Q. 



Quigalta, Cacique of, 136, 137. 
Quiyougkcosoucks, 23S. 



R. 

Raleigh, Sir Walter, 169, 177, 186, 

189, T90, 203, 220. 
Ramusius, John B , 58. 
Ratliffe, J., Captain, 232, 233. 
Rawhunt, 246. 
Ribaut, Captain Jean, in Florida, 

166 
Rolfe, John, 257. 

Thomas, 263. 
Rosier, James, 202. 



s. 

Saint Cler, Monsieur, 162. 
Salem (Mass.) harbor, 343, 349. 
Samoset, 337. 
Sanchez, Raphael, 16. 
Satouriona, 157, 158. 



Scribner's Monthly, on " Pocahontas," 

245- 

Sea-adventure of Puritans, 355. 
Shakspeare, William, 55, 221. 
Skraelings, The, 13, 14. 
Smith, Buckingham, 72. 

Captain John, 200, 229-266. 
Snorri, 14. 

Southey's " History of Brazil," 96. 
Sparks, Jared, 142. 
Spicer, Edward, 191. 
Stadacona (Quebec), 104. 
Stalife, Philip, 302. 
Stafford, Master, 192. 
Standish, Miles, 312-319. 
Stowe, John, 57. 
Strachey, William, 200, 202, 222, 230, 

245- 
Stukely, Sir Thomas, 263. 



Targnoagny, 105, 106, 107, 109, no. 
Tellez, Captain, 77, 81. 
Theodoro, Don, 76. 
Thomas, John, 298, 300, 301. 
Thorvald, 10-12. 
Tilley, Edward, 314,319. 
Tobacco used by Indians, 336. 
Tyrker, 8. 



U. 

Ucita, 127, 128, 129, 130. 



V. 



Vaca, Cabeza (or Cabeca) de. Voyage 

of, 71-94, 122. 
Vasconselos, Andrew de, 122, 124. 
Verrazzano, John de, Letter of, 60-69, 

54, 99- 
Vetamatomakkin, 26 r. 
Vinland, 2, 9, 10. 
Virginia, Colonies in, 1S6, iSg, 229, 263. 



W. 



Wassenaer's " Historie van Europa," 

280. 
Water of New England, The, 349. 
Waymouth, Captain George, Voyage of, 

202, 213-221, 



INDEX. 



367 



"Welcome, Englishmen! " 333. 
Wliite, Governor John, 189, 196. 
Whittier's" Norsemen," 2. 
Wilson, William, 296, 298, 299,300,302. 
Wingfield, E. M., 231, 233. 
Wingma, 180. 

Winslow, Governor Edward, 310. 
Winthrop, Governor John, 355, 357, 
360. 



Worthington, William, 59. 
Wydhouse, Thomas, 302. 



Young's "Chronicles of Plymouth,' 
310; of Massachusetts, 340. 



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